“10 Questions to Ask Yourself About Experimental Drugs”

Betsy Morris, a writer based in San Francisco, has a number of questions that serious people should answer before using (legitimately medicinal) experimental drugs. Her questions are from her article (from which this post’s title came) in Fridays Wall Street Journal. As a serious person (dont laugh so loudly), I have answers.

01 Should anybody be able to use experimental drugs before they have cleared clinical trials and gotten full FDA approval? Would your answer change if you knew that most clinical trials fail? How well-developed do you think a drug needs to be before it is available to everybody?
A Of course. 1) That’s the patient’s choice, ideally in consultation with his doctor, but not required except to the extent it’s the doctor who must obtain the drug and then administer it. It cannot be Government’s choice. Government’s sole role here is ensuring the patient has access to the drug’s risk profiles. 2) Why would it? See “risk profile.” 3) The drug needs to be FDA-certified safe. It’s efficacy, and whether a patient(s) wants to use it regardless of efficacy, is a market decision, not a Government one. Ideally, that certification would come from an objective, non-government entity; the FDA is too politicized. Unfortunately, we’re stuck with what we have.

02 Should somebody who is seriously ill have the same opportunity to take a promising but experimental drug if that drug is being made available to others? Would your answer change if you knew that its the drug company that is deciding who gets to use it?
A Yes. 1) If a drug is available, it’s available. Full stop. 2) In today’s knee-jerk litigious society, “drug companies” need to protect themselves, and the only way they can is through patient selection. And that’s still weak protection.

03 Doctors frequently use FDA-approved drugs off-label, meaning for diseases or conditions for which the drugs havent been tested or approved. Should the FDA allow this type of experimental but common drug use or should it be left to the judgment of the doctor?
A The FDA should have no input into off-label use beyond certifying the safety of the drug—which it already has done with its initial approval of the drug. After that, off-label use—and the efficacy of a drug—should be a market decision. Ideally, doctors would share (within HIPPA constraints) information about off-label uses and outcomes so a body of information can be built up regarding efficacy for this or that off-label use.

04 Instead of asking a drug company for an experimental drug, should a seriously or terminally ill patient be required to join a clinical trial? What if a patient in a trial has a good chance of getting a placebo?
A 1) No need to require the patient to enter a clinical trial. There’s no reason the drug company can’t ask the patient and his doctor to share associated data with the drug company, though; such data would be useful in fleshing out the formal clinical trial, so long as suitable statistical controls are applied to the extra-trial data. 2) The risk of getting a placebo is the risk everyone runs in a clinical trial, and if the patient is terminal, the risk is irrelevant. If the patient is seriously ill, he’s likely no worse off than any of the other seriously ill patients who are in the trial (were they not seriously ill, they would not be, for the most part, suitable trial candidates, anyway, especially in the early rounds of the trial).

05 Should patients be granted access to an experimental drug even if special access can make it harder to recruit enough people to conduct the clinical trials needed to determine whether the drug works and is safe? Does the benefit of a group of individual patients outweigh the potential future benefit to society of a treatment that has been fully vetted?
A Of course. 1) That’s the patient’s choice, ideally in consultation with his doctor, but not required except to the extent it’s the doctor who must obtain the drug and then administer it. It cannot be Government’s choice. Government’s sole role here is ensuring the patient has access to the drug’s risk profiles. Additionally, if the drug company is having trouble recruiting patients for a clinical trial, it should jump at this volunteering pool (however small) of patients. If the drug company isn’t having such trouble, a few extra-trial patients won’t interfere with anything. See above re extra-trial data collection. 2) The question is a non sequitur. Adding patients to the data collection process, even if from outside a clinical trial, can only enhance the overall data and analysis.

06 Do parents who have given informed consent to use an experimental drug on their terminally ill child give up their right to sue if the treatment backfires and kills the child prematurely? What if the parents were desperate, and unable to understand the poor odds of success?
A 1) Of course. They’re informed parents, they agreed to the risks and terms of participation a priori, and they have no right to change their minds after the fact. Otherwise, the agreements would be worthless, and drug companies would not allow an experimental drug to be used on a child, nor would they spend much effort or resource developing such drugs targeted for children. That’s the practical side. The moral side is that the parents signed the agreement and must honor their commitment. 2) Desperation has nothing to do with it. The parents are grown, rational human beings; especially with their children in tough situations, they need to act like grown rational human beings. The “unable to understand” bit is just a post hoc scare tactic.

07 Should a seriously or terminally ill child have an advocate separate from the parents and doctor when the decision is made to administer an experimental drug?
A Of course not. This is the parents’ decision, in consultation with the doctor, since it’s the doctor who must obtain and administer the drug. The only role—the only role—for a third party in this process is to facilitate the parents’ (and the child’s if he’s old enough/mentally mature enough to participate in the decision) understanding of the risk profile.

08 Is it all right to give an experimental drug to a terminally ill patient if the only reason to do so is to give the patient hope, even if there isnt any?
A Why would it not be? The only restriction would be if there is a limited supply of the drug, and it’s needed for the clinical trial(s). Besides, as a practical matter, the data collected, even from a terminally ill patient would be valuable: extend life, or not; improve the quality of remaining life, reduce the quality, have no effect; drug behave differently in terminally ill rather than merely seriously ill, but not yet terminal; ….

09 Often patients who get access to experimental drugs are those who are well-educated and savvy enough to know of clinical trials or experimental drug options. Should drugmakers be required to test experimental drugs across different demographic groups? What if the effort improves the efficacy of drugs among people of different groups, but slows drug development?
A 1) The question is just silly. Testing across (relevant) demographic groups is just good experimental technique; the educational or savviness of any particular group of patients is wholly irrelevant. To emphasize, though, the differing groups need to be relevant to the purpose of the drug. Shotgunning across groups, just because, would be a waste of resources. An experimental pregnancy management drug, for instance, need not be tested on a male demographic group of any sort. 2) The question is internally illogical. Testing across relevant demographic groups speeds development by obviating the need to repeat the test later across relevant but omitted groups. Apparently, Morris has missed the errors related to testing experimental drugs on white women while ignoring black women, and then trying to call the drug ipso facto good for black women, or testing experimental drugs on men, and then trying to call the drug ipso facto good for women.

10 Once an experimental drug gets the FDAs partial approval (called accelerated approval), a drugmaker is free to market the drug at almost any price. Are drug companies justified in charging whatever they can given the steep cost of drug development? What if paying for the drug will almost inevitably bankrupt the seriously ill person?
A I’ll elide the tacit cynicism that drug companies routinely charge almost any price on any of their drugs. 1) On what basis does anyone think a drug company will attempt to develop a drug if it’s not allowed to recoup the cost of development? The prices of experimental drugs, right along with the prices of established drugs, subsidize the cost of developing new drugs (and of producing established drugs). 2) How does that alter the economics of the matter? Further, the whole thrust of these 10 questions centers on whether a patient should have access to an experimental drug at all. Finally, if the drug is that expensive relative to a patient’s ability to pay—and it often (usually?) will be—that’s where charities, NGOs, and the like step in. A Government role? The taxpayers already are participating, outside of Government, through their donations to the charities, NGOs, and the like. There’s no need to double-tap them.

Temp Workers at Car Manufacturers

The UAW objects to American car manufacturers having temp workers on the payroll.

The use of temporary factory workers at the Detroit car companies has long rankled the United Auto Workers union, which wants fewer of them and a faster path to full-time status.

Never mind that

Automakers say they need the flexibility that temp workers provide, especially as they manage a tricky and costly transition to electric vehicles and confront the ups and downs of factory production.

The union pretends to object on the grounds of the different pay levels temps earn compared to union workers. This is cynically disingenuous. The temps know, going in, that they’re getting a lower wage than their full-time, unionized neighbor on the assembly line. They still take the gig, because they’d like to have the income. That’s an income the UAW wants to deny them, along with denying the car manufacturers these labor gap fillers.

The union boss, Shawn Fain, claims to want to help the temps:

UAW President Shawn Fain has said he wants to get temps better pay and limit their use. He also wants to accelerate the timeline to full-time status to 90 days.

But he doesn’t want them working at all until he and his union get their way. This is demonstrated by the outlandish demand of full-time status for temps within 90 days. That’s far too short to evaluate a worker’s fitness over the longer haul, and it’s far too short relative to longer-lasting but still temporary labor gaps.

In the end, temp workers are the most reliable workers on the car makers’ factory floors—the UAW’s strike, especially as damage maximizing as the present one is designed to be—demonstrates this conclusively. Fain’s demand regarding temp workers is just another union power grab.

Nice Company You Got There

Shawn Fain, UAW union boss, is extending his threat to Ford, GM, and Stellantis, the three major American car companies against which he’s taken selective strike action, a selectivity he’s said he’s using to maximize current damage to the companies.

…what the union calls a “stand up strike,” in which specific locals are asked to go on strike at their facilities. The union has said that strategy will give it flexibility in escalating the strike incrementally up to a potential nationwide strike if negotiations do not deliver sufficient progress in its view, and will make it harder for the auto companies to predict its next move.

Give us what we want, or else:

further strikes will be announced if negotiations do not yield sufficient progress by Friday.

And so they did. The union struck additional plants at GM and Stellantis. Not Ford, though–Fain is claiming that Ford was “serious about reaching a deal,” and so he didn’t order a strike expansion there. Sure. More likely, this is just an attempt to sow dissension among the automakers and thereby add to pressure to surrender.

Be too bad if something was to happen to your company(s).

“Employment Violence”

Boston University has laid off some 15 staffers of the university’s Center for Antiracist Research. BU’s School of Social Work Clinical Assistant Professor and faculty lead for education and training at the Center for Antiracist Research, Phillipe Copeland, claims that’s violence.

This act of employment violence and trauma is not just about individual leaders. It’s about the cultures and systems that allow it to occur. And too often rewards it. Antiracism is not a branding exercise, PR campaign or path to self-promotion. It is a life and death matter[.]

Never mind that the Center remains a strongly going concern (for good or ill), and its founder, Dr Ibram X Kendi, remains its Director.

Copeland went on:

Taking a program [he’d resigned from the Center and founded Fellowship program otherwise within the Center] from the Black faculty member that created it is apparently what BU considers “antiracism” and “diversity and inclusion.”

And that gives the game away. The idea that only a Black person can teach matters regarding Blacks—which necessarily involve whites, Hispanics, Americans with Asian heritages—is itself a most insidious form of racism.

Still, if this is what employment “violence” looks like to the Woke, the fastest and most direct way to mitigate that violence, if not to eliminate altogether, is for employers, Boston University in particular, to not hire these folks in the first place.

A Couple of Thoughts re Yakima

Yakima is a city in central Washington, and its Progressive-Democratic Party mayor, Janice Deccio, claims she’s being harassed since the release of her 911 call regarding some petition signature gatherers who were gathering at a Walmart. Yes, the mayor made an emergency call over petitioners gathering signatures and exercising their 1st Amendment right to petition government.

Her call:

There’s some far right-wing petitioners at Walmart, and they don’t—they’re not leaving. Walmart has asked them repeatedly to do so, and the police have not taken them off the premises.

Never mind that the police—and they told her so during her 911 call—absent a court order that Walmart had not bothered to seek, had no authority to remove the signature gatherers, not when the activity is occurring on public property or on private property that’s intended for public use, like shopping malls and store fronts.

Later, Deccio claimed she was unaware of all the nuances of the law at that time, though, and, in hindsight, I could have waited to hear from the chief. That’s risible. She’s the mayor, of course she knows the laws applicable to her role. Or she’s ignorant, having skipped or slept through, which is the same thing, her junior high Civics class, to the point of unfitness for office.

Her decision not to wait on actual answers is all too typical of the arrogance of Party politicians: obey me, subjects, and quit arguing.

That’s one (where have I heard that before?).

The group that was gathering petition signatures is Let’s Go Washington, and these are the sort of initiative for which they’re working (it’s unclear for what initiative they were gathering signatures at the Walmart):

  • I-2113, which would roll back some restrictions on when police officers can engage in vehicular pursuits
  • I-2117, to prohibit state agencies from imposing any type of carbon tax-credit trading
  • I-2124, which would allow employees to opt out of the state’s long-term care insurance program
  • I-2109, to repeal the state’s capital gains tax
  • I-2111, which would prohibit state and local jurisdictions from imposing income taxes
  • I-2081, which would allow parents of public school students to review instructional materials and student records upon request

That a Progressive-Democratic Party politician thinks such center-right positions are far right-wing clearly demonstrates how Left-extremist Party has gone.

That’s two.