A Related Note

I wrote recently about the Court’s ruling on Janus v AFCME Council 31, which eliminated public service unions’ ability to collect “agency fees” from non union members.

The dissent by Justice Elena Kagan and joined by her three cohorts in the Court’s liberal wing is instructive, and it foreshadows the kind of government we can expect from today’s “liberals,” should they succeed in gaining control of one or both Houses of Congress and then of the White House.

Its decision will have large-scale consequences. Public employee unions will lose a secure source of financial support. State and local governments that thought fair-share provisions furthered their interests will need to find new ways of managing their workforces. Across the country, the relationships of public employees and employers will alter in both predictable and wholly unexpected ways.

Because unions are entitled to OPM for their financial support.  Because governments will be temporarily inconvenienced in their role as employers.  Because employment relationships must never be disrupted or altered.  It’s settled.

And

The majority overthrows a decision entrenched in this Nation’s law—and in its economic life—for over 40 years.

By this logic, Kagan would argue that Plessy v Ferguson, which created the racism of separate-but-equal in our schools (among other places), never should have been rejected by Brown v Board of Education of Topeka, because the latter came 60 years after Plessy had become “entrenched in this Nation’s law—and in its economic life.”

And these [citations omitted]:

And it does so by weaponizing the First Amendment, in a way that unleashes judges, now and in the future, to intervene in economic and regulatory policy.

 

Every one of them will now need to come up with new ways—elaborated in new statutes—to structure relations between government employers and their workers.

 

Still more, thousands of current contracts covering millions of workers provide for agency fees. Usually, this Court recognizes that “[c]onsiderations in favor of stare decisis are at their acme in cases involving property and contract rights.”  It prevents the parties from fulfilling other commitments they have made based on those agreements. It forces the parties—immediately—to renegotiate once-settled terms and create new tradeoffs.

This is an especially dangerous principle of the Left: that the convenience of Government is more important, and should have precedence over, individual liberty.  That forced static-ness is better than the freewheeling interactions of free men and women dealing with each other (and their employers from time to time) according to their own imperatives rather than Government diktat.  (Aside: Kagan also cynically overstated the immediacy of renegotiations.  No such thing is mandated; those contracts will expire on their own and can be renegotiated at that time—as has been the case in Wisconsin.)

And: that it’s somehow wrong that judges should be “unleashed” to uphold our basic, inherent in our very existence, liberties.  It’s not the Conservative wing of the Court that has sought to weaponize the 1st Amendment by insisting that free speech and free association are what Government says they are.

The ruling, with Kagan’s dissent, can be seen here.

The Supremes Get One Right

Resoundingly so.  Janus v AFCME Council 31 is a case originating in Illinois concerning a public service union’s ability to collect a per centage of ordinary union dues—agency fees—from non-union members who work alongside the union’s bargaining unit in for a government agency.  A 40-year-old Supreme Court precedent, Abood v Detroit Board of Education, upheld this ability.

The Court’s opinion (a 5-4 majority) is summarized in the syllabus:

The State’s extraction of agency fees from nonconsenting public-sector employees violates the First Amendment. Abood erred in concluding otherwise, and stare decisis cannot support it. Abood is therefore overruled.

What Alito actually wrote is even more direct, and he wrote it at the outset of his opinion.

Under Illinois law, public employees are forced to subsidize a union, even if they choose not to join and strongly object to the positions the union takes in collective bargaining and related activities. We conclude that this arrangement violates the free speech rights of nonmembers by compelling them to subsidize private speech on matters of substantial public concern.

We upheld a similar law in Abood v Detroit Bd. of Ed….and we recognize the importance of following precedent unless there are strong reasons for not doing so. But there are very strong reasons in this case. Fundamental free speech rights are at stake. Abood was poorly reasoned.  …  Abood is therefore overruled.

Alito concluded his opinion even more forcefully.

This procedure [collecting an “agency fee”] violates the First Amendment and cannot continue. Neither an agency fee nor any other payment to the union may be deducted from a nonmember’s wages, nor may any other attempt be made to collect such a payment, unless the employee affirmatively consents to pay. By agreeing to pay, nonmembers are waiving their First Amendment rights, and such a waiver cannot be presumed.

The sad part of this resounding victory for individual liberty is that 5-4 vote; it should have been unanimous.  However, the liberal wing of the Court remained buried in its ideology that Government must be the solution.  Here, those four Justices held that an individual’s fundamental rights of free speech and free association must be held subordinate to the union’s government-created right to collect dues and “agency fees” from everyone whom it purports to represent in an employment unit.

The free speech problem arises when those agency fees are collected as a condition of employment by a government agency.  It isn’t possible for an inherently political entity to not engage in political speech, and so it isn’t possible for any negotiation—including over employment parameters—with that entity to not be inherently political in nature and so consisting of political speech.  Thus, forcing payment of an “agency fee” to the “representing” union is forced speech by the individual from whom the “agency fee” is collected.

The free association problem arises from the existence of any forced “agency fee” payment.  Such a mandate creates a forced association between the individual from whom the “agency fee” is collected and the union for and by which the money is collected.  This association occurs, tautologically, whether or not the individual might otherwise consent to, or actively seek, the association.  The forced nature of the association is maximally emphasized by the individual’s demonstrated objection to the association through his conscious decision to not join the union and further by his objection to paying the fee.

It’s unfortunate that the liberal wing does not see any of this.

The ruling can be seen here.

The Supremes Get Another One Right

Sort of.  Mostly.

A deeply divided Supreme Court upheld President Donald Trump’s latest ban on travel to the US by people from several Muslim-majority countries, in a ruling Tuesday that hands the White House a victory on one of its most central—and controversial—initiatives.

Small point, and it’s on The Wall Street Journal, not the Supreme Court: it’s not a ban on travel, it’s a moratorium.  The moratorium will be lifted on each of those countries when it becomes possible to accurately vet travelers from those countries.  A ban is broad and permanent.

A failure of the Court came from the liberal wing.  Justice Sonya Sotomayor wrote, for instance,

A reasonable observer would conclude that the [ban] was motivated by anti-Muslim animus….

And

The majority…turn[s] a blind eye to the pain and suffering the [ban] inflicts upon countless families and individuals, many of whom are United States citizens.

This is rank, deliberate emotionalism at the expense of rational thought and objective analysis.  Sotomayor chose not to demonstrate where the animus exists in the Executive Order, choosing instead to bring in outside material not part of the case or of the EO in question.  Campaign rhetoric, which she chose to consider instead of the text in the present case, ceased to have relevance to anything once the election was completed.  Even more, bringing in outside material, evaluating a case on things other than the text of the EO, the law, the Constitution is a violation of the Justices’ oath of office: they’re sworn to uphold the law, the Constitution (and EOs executed in accordance with the Constitution), not to uphold other things convenient to them.

Sotomayor also chose to ignore the “pain and suffering” unvetted entry of terrorists and violent criminals “inflict upon countless families and individuals, many of whom are United States citizens.”

The larger failure is that this should have been a unanimous decision.  The liberal wing of the Court, though, remained mired in their ideology that the text of an Executive Order (or of a law or of the Constitution) is not the only thing before them in any case: extraneous material convenient to their predetermined opinion also must be brought in for support.

Protecting US Technology

The Trump administration is moving toward a set of rules that would heavily restrict the People’s Republic of China’s ability to acquire American technology-developing companies and American technology.

Of course, there are objections to protecting our stuff.

Industry groups…are mainly concerned that the export controls could negatively affect their businesses by preventing them from using their technological edge.

If such groups were truly serious about this, they’d be truly serious about hardening their member companies’ facilities against hacking.

And

While many object to the investment restrictions, they are seen as having less practical impact because Chinese investment has fallen off so drastically.

This is short-sighted to the point of being disingenuously so.  The PRC’s investment has fallen off because, through theft, hacking, and their extortionate requirement of “sharing” technology and inserting backdoors into core software as a condition of doing business in the PRC, they’ve largely caught up.  When we get our edge back, the PRC’s “investment” efforts will pick back up.  The restriction objectors know this.

Another Obamacare Episode

The Justice Department has declined to defend Obamacare in the suit against it brought by a large number of States in the aftermath of Congress’ repeal of the Individual Mandate penalty tax.  Recall that Chief Justice John Roberts rewrote the law in 2012 to recreate the penalty as a tax in order to preserve the IM as constitutional, and thereby to preserve all of Obamacare as constitutional because of the inseverability of all parts of the law.

With the repeal of the IM’s…tax…that inseverability should doom the rest of Obamacare.

As a result of Attorney General Jeff Sessions’ decision not to defend the law,

University of Michigan law professor Nicholas Bagley said three Justice Department attorneys withdrew their names from the brief [wherein DoJ advised the court of its position].

Three Justice Department attorneys also should withdraw their names from the Federal payroll.