Amending our Constitution

The Wall Street Journal asked a collection of elitists how our Constitution could be improved; those wonders proposed five Amendments. I’ll address a few here.

Term Limits: One elitist proposed hard term limits of fixed numbers of years for everyone—Congressmen and judges and Justices. After all, it’s good enough for Presidents. Term limits would be useful for the political parts of our Federal government, but not for the judiciary. Even the 18 year terms he proposed would leave the judges and Justices too vulnerable to the politics of the day, through more rapid appointments and forced retirements, and not sufficiently tied to what our Constitution actually says. The statutes that also come before the courts, and that those courts must apply according to what they actually say, provide enough political involvement as it is; there’s no need to accelerate that, no matter that this Elitist wants to reduce that.

On the other hand, We the People would benefit from term limits for our Congressmen, but hard numbers like six and two terms for Representatives and Senators would excessively limit our choices of whom we would select represent us. Apply, instead, the term limits our prior Articles of Confederation applied to their unicameral Congress with its one-year sessions. Article V of that document limited delegates to Congress to three terms in any six years. That’s straightforwardly modifiable to provide for our bicameral Congress, and it would not limit our choices for representation, only the frequency of those choices.

Leave the judiciary with its current lifetime appointment on their good behavior.

Electoral College: Get rid of it? The “logic” here is that Presidential campaigns are driven too much by the States with the largest Electoral College contingents, and the smaller States get overlooked altogether. Leave Presidential election outcomes to the popular vote, instead. And: modern communications technology cures all. Eliminating the College, though, wouldn’t protect the smaller States. College contingents are based solely on the combined numbers of Senators and Representatives each State has, and the numbers of Representatives is determined solely by population. The same States that supposedly dominate the Electoral College election would simply turn their focus to the larger cities of States, leaving out the smaller urban areas even in those large College-centric States. Nothing material would change.

Leave the Electoral College alone. The current system is not broken.

Rethink the First Amendment: The Evil Rich have too much influence in political speech, and they need to be limited. What about modern communications technology cures all, though? Doesn’t that give the little guy as much influence as the rich guy? Of course it does. The beef here centers on the amount of money any individual or business can contribute to any politician, but here this Elitist fails utterly: he doesn’t suggest any concrete solution, much less an Amendment. Nor can he: on what basis would he limit a rich man’s speech to bring him down to a poor man’s level of influence (no one has ever suggested plussing up a poor man’s speech). Hard dollar limits would restrict the rich man far more than the poor man. Percentage limits (percent of what wealth measure, exactly?) would still leave the rich man with far more supposed influence. And what to do about contributions to causes rather than particular candidates? In the end, what’s the limiting principle here, that prevents further limits on speech no matter how Very Good the reasons might seem for limiting further? This elitist offered none.

We can brook no such restrictions on our free speech rights and remain America. This elitist tacitly recognized this (even if he didn’t recognize it himself) with his concluding thought:

We must return to a reading of the Constitution that recognizes its fundamental democratic commitments.

But that’s a matter for the courts and for Congress to do. No Amendment is necessary, nor could one work. No Amendment will ever alter any reading of our Constitution. Men and women will still read into it (and out of it) what they will, guided by how they’re educated to read it.

Equal Gender Rights: This elitist based the entirety of her argument on the need to ratify—finally!—the Equal Rights Amendment. She wants to enumerate a specific right to political equality for gender in our Constitution, claiming that the 19th Amendment, which granted sufferage to women, doesn’t go far enough. She even cited early feminists’ support for ratifying the 14th Amendment as a pathway for gender equality, but she missed what that Amendment says in its first Article:

All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

All citizens means all citizens; it does not exclude some citizens, women or blacks or citizens of whatever sort. It’s hard to go farther than the blanket statement of equal rights and equal treatment under law that that Amendment requires.

The strength of our Constitution lies, in part, in its blanket statements of rights and limitations. Once we start carving out exceptions or codicils to those encompassing statements of rights and government limits, the process will rapidly escalate and those exceptions and codicils will expand our Constitution to hundreds of pages and hundreds of thousands of words that will include increasingly internally contradictory requirements. In relatively short order, our Constitution would come to resemble the very aspect that Munroe Smith wrote, some 140 years ago, about judicial precedent:

When the old rule is sufficiently worm-holed…a very slight reexamination will reduce it to dust, and a re-interpretation…will produce the rule that is desired.

When the old constitution is sufficiently worm-holed….

Be better if Wonders like these would leave off their Elitist blinders and look at our nation and our Constitution with objective eyes. Be even better if we ordinary Americans simply ignored technocrats and Know Betters altogether, and consigned them to their Ivory towers.

There Are Three Branches

Under our constitutional Federal government there are exactly three branches—judiciary, legislative, and executive—neither more nor fewer. The legislative—our Congress—can, and does, create departments (other than the Constitutionally mandated State and Defense (however titled)) and agencies within the Executive Branch. Our Constitution names the President as the Chief Executive of the Executive Branch with sole responsibility for enforcing the laws that Congress enacts.

Whether Congress claims this or that agency to be “independent” or not, all of those agencies, by being within the Executive Branch, are—must be—under the control of the President, which control includes the hiring and firing of all of an agency’s employees, and the firing aspect of that includes politically appointed employees who must be confirmed by the Senate after a Presidential nomination in order to fully take office.

That firing authority was finally acknowledged by the Supreme Court in its just released ruling in Trump v Slaughter, which explicitly overruled the 91 years prior wrongly decided Humphrey’s Executor v US.

William Galston demurred from that ruling in his Tuesday Wall Street Journal op-ed.

While the chief justice is right that the FTC’s executive functions have expanded since 1935, it hasn’t ceased to exercise legislative and judicial functions as well. The FTC isn’t simply part of the executive branch; it was designed to be independent. It’s hard to see why Congress can’t mandate special firing procedures for such hybrid entities.

The FTC isn’t simply part of the executive branch; it was designed to be independent. That’s Galston’s error. There are only those three branches of our government; “independent” agencies cannot exist outside of those three, and being within one or another of them, they cannot be independent. Nor can they carry out, from within one of them, any of the functions of either of the others—that would eliminate the separation of powers that is at the core of our government’s structure.

Galston made this argument, citing James Madison in Federalist No 47:

Separation of powers doesn’t mean the branches of government have no role in any other branch. It means that when “the same hands” control more than one branch of government, the fundamental principles of a free Constitution are subverted.

Madison was right, but Galston’s usage is a non sequitur. “The same hands” do not control more than one branch of government except when one branch dictates to the others how they must go about their constitutionally mandated duties, as Congress attempts to do when it sets about hamstringing the President’s control over the entities in his branch.

In particular, Congress

  • cannot create a legislative agency, place it with the Executive Branch, and then tell the President he must do what that agency requires
  • cannot create a judicial agency, place it within the Judiciary Branch, and then omit the judges from that oversight, leaving that task to the Executive) Branch—to the President
  • cannot reach into either of those other branches and dictate to its chief how he must carry out any oversight
  • must place an agency with judicial functions inside the judiciary branch and leave the entirety of oversight to the Chief Justice
  • must place an agency with executive functions inside the Executive Branch and leave the entirety of oversight to the President
  • must keep an agency with legislative functions inside the Legislative Branch. Only then can Congress specify how oversight must be carried out. Of course, a Legislative Branch agency would have no enforcement capability; that is the sole province of the Executive.

Congress exercises all the control over the Executive Branch it needs and is allowed to have via its constitutionally created ability to control the funds available to the Executive and any of his Departments and agencies, and through the oversight hearings it uses to inform itself of Executive Branch doings.

Record Profits

Or at least near-record and with room to rise a bit more. These make those companies obvious targets for the Left and for the Progressive-Democratic Party politicians, all of whom view those profits as immoral and needing to be confiscated by Government or as public goods needing to be confiscated managed by Government or both.

The net profit margin for companies in the S&P 500 rose to 14.8% in the first quarter, according to FactSet. This marks the highest net margin, a measure of the profit generated from every dollar of revenue, reported by the index since the data provider began tracking this metric in 2009. The previous peak of 13.2% was set just a quarter earlier.
It isn’t just tech companies, either. In the first quarter, multiple sectors including financial services and industrials reported net margins above their five-year averages.

Those companies would do well to pass some of those profits on to uses of their choosing, rather than just sitting on them. At the least, the companies need to state openly their plans for the future of the business and its accumulating profits and then demonstrably execute on those plans.

Those uses and plans might or might not make good business sense in the economic world, but it would make good business sense in the political world where the now-openly socialist Progressive-Democratic Party reigns over us.

Not Contentment or Fulfillment…

…but security in their property ownership, along with their life and liberty, from which contentment and fulfillment may well result. A letter-writer in Monday’s Letters section of The Wall Street Journal has made that confusion. He wrote, in response to William Galston’s What “Created Equal” Means in America,

One of the inalienable rights with which all Americans are endowed equally by their creator is “the pursuit of happiness.” The operative word is “pursuit.” No person has a right to happiness, but all have the right to seek contentment and fulfillment by striving to live decent and dignified lives.

That’s not the happiness the inalienable right to pursue which that’s acknowledged in our Declaration of Independence, though. John Adams had made that clear beforehand in his Preamble to the Massachusetts constitution:

All men are born free and independent, and have certain natural, essential, and unalienable rights, among which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defending their lives and liberties; that of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property; in fine, that of seeking and obtaining their safety and happiness.

The natural, essential, and unalienable rights of life and liberty and of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property creates the capacity for contentment and fulfillment. The latter does not exist without the formers’ prior existence.

There’s a Reason for That

As The Wall Street Journal‘s astute editors noticed, less than a dozen—10, by their count of the fingers of two hands and no toes of either foot—members of the Progressive-Democratic Party caucus in the House of Representatives are willing to oppose the Democratic Socialists of America agenda. My count via the thumbs of just one of my hands (or maybe the social finger of that hand), only one Progressive-Democratic Party Senator is willing to oppose the DSA agenda.

It’s an agenda of government control of our larger businesses (but it won’t stop there), government control of private property, government given (and so able to be taken away) national medicine, ever rising taxes because…”necessity,” and political rather than economic globalization through entirely open borders and an end to deportation of illegal aliens (there being no such thing in the DSA ideology).

Less than a dozen across our Congress. Eleven, out of an aggregate of 255 Progressive-Democrat Congressmen. Those 244 Progressive-Democrat Congressmen demonstrate pretty conclusively that the Progressive-Democratic Party is an overtly socialist party, the direction in which it began moving with the election of Barack Obama as President just 18 years ago, with the pace sharply accelerating after the election of the “squad” of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, and Ayanna Pressley just eight years ago.

The Progressive-Democratic Party is rapidly and enthusiastically coming out of the closet, assimilating the DSA (or being swallowed by DSA), and openly asserting that DSA political and economic positions are its own. Those policies are what Party will attempt to inflict on our nation if it gains majorities in the House and Senate after this fall’s elections.