Relevance

Some of you may recall that the Supreme Court is due to issue its ruling on the Obamacare case of whether the Federal government is allowed to pay health coverage plan premium subsidies to citizens who bought their health plans through ObamaMart instead of State-built and –run exchanges.

Health and Human Services Secretary Sylvia Mathews Burwell on Thursday defended the landmark 2010 US health law as sharply lowering the rate of uninsured Americans, improving health-care quality and making it more affordable.

The Wall Street Journal paraphrased her additional remarks:

Directly addressing the possibility that the US Supreme Court later this month will overturn a central provision of the law, she said such an event would mean “the number of uninsured would jump,” that “affordability goes away” and that a “death spiral” would ensue in the health insurance systems in some three dozen states.

Never mind that the law is quite explicit: it authorizes the subsidies only for those who bought their plans through exchanges established by the States and not through the Federal government’s ObamaMart. Obamacare also is completely silent about costs if the subsidies are, in fact, limited those State exchanges’ plans.

Burwell’s argument is a typical Democratic Party aargument: it’s a good idea, therefore ignore the law, do what we want.

It may be a good idea. If it is, change the law. In the meantime, do what the law says, not what you wish it to say. William Howard Taft, an earlier Chief Justice, had this to say on doing the “right” thing rather than obeying the law:

It is the high duty and function of this court…to decline to recognize or enforce seeming laws of Congress, dealing with subjects not entrusted to Congress, but left or committed by the supreme law of the land to the control of the States. We cannot avoid the duty even though it require us to refuse to give effect to legislation designed to promote the highest good. The good sought in unconstitutional legislation is an insidious feature because it leads citizens and legislators of good purpose to promote it without thought of the serious breach it will make in the ark of our covenant or the harm which will come from breaking down recognized standards.

Taft wrote that in finding a law unconstitutional, but it applies just as clearly to any regulation or procedure purported to be on the highest grounds but that contradicts a law.

I hope today’s Supremes still understand this and don’t fall for the irrelevant blandishments.

Update: An earlier iteration of this post said that Taft had found a law unconditional; in fact he had found unconstitutional.  A sharp-eyed reader caught that.

Another Argument for the UK to Leave the EU

Under EU law, governments have some leeway in limiting access to welfare, but in most circumstances can’t discriminate between their own nationals and those of another EU country.

But those rude Brits disagree. They want to make scarce resources preferentially available to British citizens. How terrible is that? The British government, for instance, requires those who apply for child welfare payments actually to live in the UK and to do so legally.

And this effrontery:

The British government justifies this condition “to prevent a burden on the welfare system.”

Never mind that the Brits have no requirement to justify to foreign jurisdictions how they spend their resources. But it doesn’t matter:

…Mr [Michael, the European Commission’s lawyer in this matter] Wilderspin retorted that “an increase in the financial burden cannot justify a failure to comply with EU law.”

Pay up, Sucker. It doesn’t matter if you haven’t the money, or have other uses for what you do have. Your [dare I say it?] Betters Know Better.

Time to leave guys. The EU has gotten arrogantly dysfunctional.

Oil and Pricing

From a recent Wall Street Journal article:

“If OPEC or Saudi Arabia or anyone else wants to call” the US to curtail production, “there is no one to call,” said Amos Hochstein, coordinator for international energy affairs at the US State Department, in May. “You will have to call 4,000 companies operating in the United States as producers. For the first time, there is an element of real free market.”

Indeed. It’s about time, too. Now all we have to do is get rid of the export limits.

Business Investing

US businesses, feeling heat from activist investors, are slashing long-term spending and returning billions of dollars to shareholders, a fundamental shift in the way they are deploying capital.

Data show a broad array of companies have been plowing more cash into dividends and stock buybacks, while spending less on investments such as new factories and research and development.

As the trend picks up steam, so too has debate about whether activist investors—who take sizable stakes in companies, then agitate for changes they think will boost share prices—have caused companies to tilt too far toward short-term rewards.

Vipal Monga, David Benoit, and Theo Francis in their Wall Street Journal article at the link lay the bulk of this reallocation of business funds to activist investors demanding a prompt return on their, and other investors’, return. In truth, there’s a lot to this.

There’s another factor though, that plays at least as important a role: government regulation. Regulation compliance cost the US $1.86 trillion in 2013—11% of our GDP. That’s the general case; there also are regulations surrounding increasing—even improving existing—physical plant. The EPA’s new water “protection” rule, for instance, gives the EPA—the EPA!—a say in whether, and under what conditions, a new factory can be built.

And taxes. Despite lots of Congressional chit-chat, there remains on the books, for instance, the medical device tax of Obamacare, a tax that takes money off the top line revenue—revenue coming into a company before the first dime is spent on company-related things. A tax that’s already caused companies to cancel expansion plans or to move them overseas.

Regardless of the cause, though, whether activist, regulation, to taxes, this misallocation of funds can only have a negative effect in the mid- to long run, even though it’s a short-term good for investors like me. This sort of thing is bad for business’ competitiveness and bad in the aggregate for American global competitiveness and technological leadership.

Should our government do anything about this? Of course not, at least not directly. It is bad business to allocate all those funds to buybacks and dividends at the expense of expansion, upgrade, and innovation, but the real economy, the private economy where actual citizens and market participants live and work, will do a fine job of handling this. There’s no need for government to “get impatient” and step in, because the time lags between the stock market and the actual economy are so variable and unpredictable. Which lags make it positively counterproductive for government to interfere.

It would be good, though, if our government moved to reduce the cost of regulation. A good first step would be simply to rescind a random 10% of existing regulations, and then begin serious rescission from there. After that, the real economy will deal with the activists.

Russia’s New Gulag

…is on the verge of becoming the whole nation.

Russia’s media watchdog [Roskomnadzor, a government agency] has written to Google, Twitter and Facebook warning them against violating Russian Internet laws and a spokesman said on Thursday they risk being blocked if they do not comply with the rules.

Carefully crafted rules: the three companies encrypt their transmissions, which means the Russian government can’t tell who’s saying all those nasty things about Putin and his fellows in that government.

To comply with the law, the three firms must hand over data on Russian bloggers with more than 3,000 readers per day, and take down websites that Roskomnadzor sees as containing calls for “unsanctioned protests and unrest[.]”

This is “free” speech and rule by law in action, Russian style.