Judicial Nominees

Bobby Jindal, in his Wall Street Journal op-ed, is on the right track, but wide of the mark. He opened with

President Trump’s determination to fill the Supreme Court vacancy has enraged Democrats. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer ominously warns that if Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg is replaced and Democrats gain a Senate majority, “nothing is off the table.” It’s not clear what was off the table before: Democrats had already threatened to end the filibuster, ignore pay-as-you-go rules, make the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico states and pack the court.

So far, so good, but then he strays into irrelevancies. “The Biden Rule,” “Ginsburg’s dying wish,” “Democratic distortion,” and on and on.

It’s foolish to talk about this Senator’s rule or that one’s, or Justices’ desires, or Democrat threats. The only “rules” that matter are those in our Constitution that require the President to nominate candidates for a variety of offices—here a Supreme Court Justice—and for the Senate to advise and consent/withhold consent for those nominees.

The practice, too, has been—nearly 30 times—for Presidents to nominate Justices in election years and for the Senate to confirm or choose not to confirm those nominees. Indeed, on three occasions, the losing incumbent President has nominated Justices after the election, and on those occasions, the Senate confirmed/withheld confirmation of those nominees before the newly elected President was inaugurated.

Bait and Switch

Recall the trillions of American taxpayer dollars already committed to dealing with the Wuhan Virus situation, including $139 billion sent to State and local governments explicitly for that situation.  It turns out

blue states and Democratic mayors are also using the money for their pet causes.
Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer (D) is spending millions on free college for more than 600,000 essential workers.
Honolulu Mayor Kirk Caldwell (D) agreed to spend $629,000 to hire 15 community relations specialists.
Democratic St Paul Mayor Melvin Carter recently announced a guaranteed income program for low-income families using $300,000 in CARES Act money….

This is another demonstration that State and local governments don’t need any more Federal American taxpayer money. Progressive-Democrat-run jurisdictions can’t be trusted with the money.

Remember this in November.

Censorship

It’s active, biased, and deliberate in social media. And Facebook, Twitter, and Alphabet intend on stepping it up during the remainder of this election season.

Twitter, for instance, says on its website that it will “require people to remove Tweets” that include “statements which are intended to influence others to violate recommended COVID-19 related guidance from global or local health authorities to decrease someone’s likelihood of exposure to COVID-19.” Among the problematic statements the company lists under that category is “social distancing is not effective.”

But Twitter won’t say how its censors will reconcile the myriad local health authorities who disagree among each other on the proper steps to take.

Facebook on its website outlines a similar policy using similar language, with the company stating that it will “remove content with false claims or conspiracy theories that have been flagged by leading global health organizations and local health authorities,” including “claims that are designed to discourage treatment or taking appropriate precautions.”

Facebook also declines to say how its censor will reconcile the recommendations and instructions of those local health authorities.

Alphabet makes its bias unembarrassedly obvious:

YouTube has adopted a virtually identical policy, stating that it “does not allow content that spreads medical misinformation that contradicts the World Health Organization (WHO) or local health authorities’ medical information about COVID-19.”

Never mind that WHO, as an apologist for the People’s Republic of China has no credibility whatsoever.

That’s just the social media’s bias regarding the Wuhan Virus. Their behavior is even more dangerous in the political arena.

Last month, Facebook was reportedly developing a “contingency plan,” intended to address scenarios in which Trump or his campaign attempted to dispute or delegitimize the results of the 2020 election.

But nothing planned to respond to the Progressive-Democrats’ openly stated intention to dispute the results of the 2020 election.

Zuckerberg went on:

the company will “attach an informational label to content that seeks to delegitimize the outcome of the election or discuss the legitimacy of voting methods, for example, by claiming that lawful methods of voting will lead to fraud.”
“This label will provide basic authoritative information about the integrity of the election and voting methods[.]”

All while he refuses to identify his “authorities,” much less to demonstrate their authoritativeness.

Be careful out there.

And vote, despite these Leftists’ efforts to delegitimize your vote.

Textualism and Newspeak

A 5th Circuit Court of Appeals has a case that’s well summarized (for the sake of my thesis) by the Institute for Justice in this way:

What are judges to do when they wish to be faithful to text but two provisions of the same law irreconcilably conflict? The Fifth Circuit brings us the answer with an annual Medicare health care provider compensation formula that overlaps for one day each year.

The court’s answer is a blithe engagement in Newspeak, textualism, and a misunderstanding of the duties of judges. The details of the case itself needn’t concern us here; it’s sufficient that it centers on those two provisions of a statute that contradict each other:

Here’s the conflict:  Federal regulations establish a compensation formula for the payment of certain health care providers—a formula that changes once a year.  But there’s a glitch.  Each formula takes effect on January 1 and runs until January 1 of the following year. That means that, on 364 days of every year, there’s no conflict. But on January 1, two competing formulas purport to apply, making it unclear which one governs:  the new one, or the one from the preceding year.

Now it might seem that a conflict of a single day and a judge or panel of judges picking one of them to govern is a trivial matter. But there’s a principle involved centered on the judiciary’s duty vs that of the political branches that far outweighs the trivium of a single day’s conflict.

Thus:

First, the court engaged in this bit of newspeak [cite omitted]:

respect for text requires that “judges must do the least damage they can.” And doing the “least damage” to the text means attempting to determine, if at all possible, which of the two conflicting provisions should govern in a particular case.

Then the court uttered this newspeak [cite omitted]:

“This is no departure from textualism,” but rather a “recognition” that the law “has produced a series of texts that cannot coexist.”

Of course it is a departure from textualism. The statute says what it says, neither more nor less.

It’s also the case that, under our Constitution, it is the Congress in concert with the Executive (occasionally overruling the Executive)—the political branches of our government—that write the statute; no one in the Judiciary branch has that authority.

Thus, when the plain, obvious, and rational meaning of one clause of a statute directly contradicts the plain, obvious, and rational meaning of another clause of the same statute in such a way that the statute cannot function until its internal contradiction is resolved, only the political branches that resolve the matter.

What, after all, is the court’s limiting principle here? When does a contradiction (for instance) exceed judges’ ability to do the least damage they can? How far can judges depart from the plain, obvious, and rational meaning of this or that clause without altering its plain, obvious, and rational meaning or disregarding it altogether?

How far can judges intrude into the role of the political branches of our government and remain true to their own duties as members of the Judiciary?

The questions answer themselves, and rather tautologically: judges cannot depart from the text without rewriting it. Not by a minim.

Nor can judges intrude into political matters farther than a minim. They can intrude to the limit of a minim, however, and the intrusion takes a much shorter path than trying to find one’s way through the Labyrinth of an Orwellian dictionary: they can rule that, taken as a whole, the statute is unconstitutionally vague from that internal contradiction rendering the statute inoperable, even if its separate clauses are crystalline; they can strike it.

The ruling can be read here.

 

H/t to Institute for Justice‘s Short Circuit newsletter [by free subscription; although IJ gratefully accepts donations at the link in this h/t.

“You Do Not Need….”

In Canada, too. There’s a petition—one that drew a record number of signatures—in Canada calling on Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to withdraw his Order in Council (roughly analogous to our Presidents’ Executive Orders) regarding his gun control overreach [emphasis added, but that’s a side issue].

We, the undersigned, citizens of Canada, call upon the Prime Minister to immediately scrap his government’s May 1, 2020, Order in Council decision related to confiscating legally owned firearms and instead pass legislation that will target criminals, stop the smuggling of firearms into Canada, go after those who illegally acquire firearms, and apologize to legal firearms owners in Canada[.]

Trudeau’s Order was instituted through taking cynical advantage of the upset over a mass murder in Nova Scotia a short time earlier, and he executed it in the absence of Parliament, which was not sitting due to the Wuhan Virus situation in Canada. His Order banned more than 1,500 models and variants of rifles, including AR-15s, Mini-14s, and firearms that the Nova Scotia gunman used. Trudeau, in the arrogance of government, rationalized his Order:

You do not need an AR-15 to take down a deer[.]

Those in government can’t conceive of the need for those being ruled over to defend themselves against criminals, including home invaders, rioters, looters—and crazed gunmen—when it’s so plainly the government’s police who are solely responsible for such defense, and it’s the responsibility of the attacked citizens to wait patiently on the government’s police’s arrival.

Those in government can’t conceive of the need for those being ruled over to defend themselves against that very government.

Those in power are oblivious to their own arrogance. That obliviousness itself creates an entirely separate need for the citizenry to define for themselves their need for and their purpose in having weapons.

That obliviousness itself creates an entirely separate need for an armed citizenry, one armed with the weapons of their individual choice, not those permitted by government.