Punishment and Rehabilitation

Joseph Muto was an employee working on a Fox News opinion program when he was caught stealing material from the show and using it for personal gain.  What he and his lawyer said about the matter is instructive.

Muto:

I wouldn’t have done it had I known I’d end up in this courtroom.  To answer your question of “was it worth it?” I wouldn’t have done it.

Notice that: there was no recognition, finally, that what he’d done was wrong; there was only regret that he’d gotten caught.  Still it does indicate the deterrence potential of punishment: a criminal wannabe who actually thinks through his crime before he does it has a chance of being persuaded not to.  Perhaps unfortunately, it also illustrates the uselessness of attempting rehab in our criminal system.  There has to be a recognition of wrong-doing before rehab from that can occur.

Florian Miedel, Muto’s lawyer, was quoted as saying that Muto should not have been treated like a criminal, despite admitting he’d stolen material from his employer.  This, of course, is cynical nonsense.  Why shouldn’t he have been treated like a criminal?  He was a criminal: he admitted to “attempted unlawful duplication of computer related material and attempted criminal possession of computer-related material.”

Miedel’s own words:

Making him accept a criminal conviction is unfortunate for conduct that is fairly commonplace in the industry.

Nonsense.  Miedel just acknowledged that theft is commonplace.  His logic plainly is that since crime is “fairly commonplace,” it should be excused.  This is morally bankrupt.

All Immigrants Look Alike

That’s what Republicans say when they attempt to block immigration reform on the basis that all those new immigrants—whether newly arrived or newly legalized—will vote Democratic and change the dynamic of American politics, if not the fabric of American society.

These Republicans, apparently, also so much lack confidence in the Conservative message that they won’t get off their dead a*es and go talk to the new immigrants about the wonders of conservatism.  But, then, they won’t even leave their Congressional offices to go talk to present Americans about the strengths of Conservative values, preferring instead to hold the odd press conference on the Hill, or to toss a speech over the podium at some high-minded Center for This or Library of That, or to summon the plebes to an audience at a “Town Hall” meeting.  At which they blather on in vague glittering generalities.

You know, it’s just barely possible that the folks who run the high stakes risks for the high stakes payoffs just to get here, and then pick our crops or clean our houses or work in our factories (such as they are) or start their businesses from scratch are the sort of folks we actually want in our country: conservative, hardworking, self-reliant, responsible future citizens.

Maybe Republicans should get out of their way, and welcome them.  Yes, there are deadbeats and criminals who come in on the flood.  That’s what border security and visa controls are for.  However, a filter only works when it lets stuff (and people) through, and it’s only practically useful when it lets the flow run (generally) freely.  So Democrats and unions need also to get out of the way of these future citizens, and let visa caps be eliminated and serious border security be implemented.  (Or are they afraid of the Conservative message, too?)

The primary problem, though, is those Republicans who insist, as they did of the monolithic nature of Communism during the last century’s Cold War, on the monolithic Democrat nature of immigrants.  And fear them for that.  The competition of ideas is not a thing a Conservative fears.  Neither should Republicans.

Our Founders insisted on treating people as the individuals they are.  Our modern Republicans should do the same.

Debt, Taxpayers, and Morality

President Barack Obama wants to forgive another batch of debt, this time owed by America’s youth.  This is another of those tidbits buried in his latest pseudo-budget proposal.

Obama wants to

increase the number of borrowers eligible for a program known casually as income-based repayment, which aims to help low-income workers stay current on federal student debt.

Borrowers in the program make monthly payments equivalent to 10% of their income after taxes and basic living expenses, regardless of how much they owe.  After 20 years of on-time payments—10 years for those who work in public or nonprofit jobs—the balance is forgiven.

Noticed that: “stay current.”  Not “pay off.”

That this would cost American taxpayers billions of dollars, in the middle of a very long failed recovery, doesn’t bother Obama at all.  After all, it’s only MonopolyFed money.

This would make all lending riskier.  This precedent would let every group of borrowers with a “good reason” (and they all will have good reasons) to be allowed to walk away from their debts.  There’d be no incentive left at all to borrow carefully and responsibly.  Dishonoring a promise would be destigmatized.

It also ignores the morality of the thing.  It removes all incentive to honor commitments solemnly made—indeed, it would condone “commitments” made for the most frivolous reasons, by eliminating the consequences of failing to satisfy them.

The US, Russia, and Syria

In an article on the related topic of Arab nations asking the US to finally, please, get involved in the Syrian situation instead of hiding out on the sidelines, there appeared this gem:

Secretary of State John Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov announced on Tuesday a plan to host a new international conference on Syria, possibly by month-end in Geneva.

Let me see if I understand this.  Lavrov told Kerry, “We’ll talk later.”  Or did Lavrov, instead, tell Kerry, “Let’s talk later?

Time to Fire a Judge?

Last month US Federal Judge Edward Korman ruled that the Food and Drug Administration must permit the morning after pill—the so-called Plan B pill—to be sold over the counter, to be stocked on store shelves rather than held behind the pharmacist’s counter, and to be saleable to “women” of all ages—i.e., including to children.  And saleable to these children without any parental involvement, which is the outcome of eliminating the FDA’s by-prescription and age-limited sales.  That’s bad enough.

Now, though, in response to the government’s decision to appeal this ruling and to ask that Korman stay his order pending that appeal, Korman is cynically decrying as politics the government’s objection to his interference in family matters—while demonstrating the involvement of his own politics in this matter.

Korman told an assistant US attorney that the FDA ruling [partially implementing Korman’s ruling] was a cynical attempt to “sugarcoat this appeal of yours.”

I don’t often agree with this administration, but on this matter, I do.  Korman went on, accusing Justice’s lawyer of “intellectual dishonesty” and calling further delays “a charade.”  Because the lawyer disagreed with Korman’s ruling and its efficacy.

He wasn’t finished.

When the government lawyer argued that delaying Korman’s order while it was on appeal was in the public interest, the judge responded, “Is there a public interest in unwanted pregnancies…that can often result in abortions?”

And

The judge…expressed outrage at another provision under the new FDA rules that would require government-issued photo identification to get the pills, placing an “impossible burden” on disadvantaged people without IDs.

And

“The poor, the young and African-Americans are going to be put in the position of not having access to this drug,” [Korman] said.

Minors are, by definition, incapable of making their own decisions without adult guidance.  Thus, I have some questions for Korman:

  • is there a public interest in allowing minors to act on so serious a matter solely on their own recognizance?
  • is there a public interest in cutting parents out of the decision-making of their minor children, leaving children with no adult guidance?

Korman’s objection concerning access plainly is not true.  Parental involvement gives them the access those parents—not a remote, disinterested judge—deem appropriate.  The prescription gives them access through the guidance of another adult—generally with the parents involved here, also.

And so a final question:

  • is there a public interest in leaving the many unaided by adult guidance by barring an imperfect system which, if implemented, would leave a few without that guidance?

Korman’s arrogance in decrying the government’s representatives and the government for their daring question his ruling with its pseudo-logic, frankly, is worse than his ruling with its pseudo-logic.  Judges aren’t kings whose decisions are above the questioning of the judges’ inferiors.  Korman needs to be reminded of that.  Forcefully.

In the end, Korman officially refused to stay his order pending appeal.  In his ruling, he opined, in part,

that if the status of these drugs is changed and later reversed, it can lead to situations in which women mistakenly believe that they can obtain the drug without a prescription or at certain locations where it used to be available, but is no longer.

This argument assumes that defendants have a likelihood of success on the merits and is largely an insult to the intelligence of women.

Because the children newly granted access behind their parents’ backs are women.  And because Korman has never dealt with a government rule from the outside, being himself inside government.

On the question of identification, Korman does have a valid point:

He also questioned why the government takes an opposite position in voting-rights cases, where the US has argued that identification requirements discourage some people from voting.

But this isn’t enough to validate his overall ruling or his refusal to stay it pending appeal.  He still needs to be reminded, decisively, of his place in our employment as a member of our government.