Rules and Defense Spending Cuts

The House—in particular, the majority Republicans—along with too many so-called defense journalists are having trouble with a rule that potentially leads to defense spending cuts, a particular anathema in today’s environment of a Russia at war and a People’s Republic of China threatening war.

However, the fact is defense spending has always been vulnerable to cuts, particularly by the Progressive-Democratic Party and its predecessor Democratic Party. The proposed rule just makes the potential explicitly stated. But it does not mandate defense spending cuts; it mandates spending cuts in one (or more) places if there are to be spending increases in other places. Quoting from the proposed rules:

Initiatives to Reduce Spending and Improve Accountability. Subsection (a)(1) replaces current “pay-as-you-go” requirements with “cut-as-you- go” requirements. The provision prohibits consideration of a bill, joint resolution, conference report, or amendment that has the net effect of increasing mandatory spending within a five-year or ten-year budget window. This provision continues the current practice of counting multiple measures considered pursuant to a special order of business which directs the Clerk to engross the measures together after passage for purposes of compliance with the rule and provides a mechanism for addressing “emergency” designations.

And

Subsection (e)(2) establishes a point of order against consideration of a bill or joint resolution reported by a committee (other than the Committee on Appropriations) or an amendment thereto, or a conference report thereon, which has the net effect of increasing direct spending in excess of $2,500,000,000 for any of the four consecutive 10 fiscal year periods beginning with the first fiscal year that is 10 fiscal years after the current fiscal year. The levels of net increases in direct spending shall be determined based on estimates provided by the chair of the Committee on the Budget.

And

Spending Reduction Amendments in Appropriations Bills. Subsection (f) provides for spending reduction account transfer amendments and requires a spending reduction account section to be included in all general appropriations bills.

There’s nothing in there that mandates cuts in defense spending. All spending, though, needs to be up for discussion in light of the current Progressive-Democratic Party-driven economic condition of our nation, as Freedom Caucus Founder, Congressman Jim Jordan (R, OH) has pointed out. That I—and lots of others—disagree with not continuing to increase defense spending in these parlous times simply means that we need to make our case instead of relying on inertia to carry it. And refreshing the case is entirely good.

In the event, the rules package was passed without significant change.

The rules as proposed can be read here.

Taxes and our Federal Tax Code

Former President Donald Trump (R) paid breathtakingly little Federal taxes compared to his wealth over the six years covered by his tax records, which the Progressive-Democrats so dishonestly, if strictly legally, released. And yet, despite those same Progressive-Democrats’ desperation to expose illegalities in his low tax payments, those same records prove he did nothing illegal; he simply took advantage of what our tax code—as enacted over the years by both parties as they held sway—plainly, and by design, allows.

Think that’s unfair compared to you and me? Think it’s not right that rich folks should have access to…loopholes…that us average Americans can’t reach?

Nah. For all the imbalance, there’s nothing unfair about it. The opportunities are right there in plain sight in our byzantine body of tax law. And they become increasingly accessible to us as we rise up our nation’s economic ladder.

Still the imbalance should be corrected, and that’s easy to do. Nor does it involve increasing taxes on the rich, although it does involve closing those…loopholes.

All it takes is two things.

First, we get rid of our existing income tax code, every jot and tittle of it.

Then we replace it with a new income tax code. That new code would eliminate entirely business income taxes—not merely zero out the maximum rate, eliminate that tax altogether. If it’s still on the books, it’s too easy to raise the rate later, even from zero.

Businesses don’t pay a significant portion of that tax, anyway; their customers do in the form of higher prices, and the rest of us do in the form of reduced rates of business growth, hiring, and wage increases—with the resulting reduced productivity—and in reduced rate of innovation.

With the elimination of the business income tax, businesses would be able to raise capital, grow, innovate, produce—make business decisions—based solely on the economic wisdom of the decisions. Having to dance around the tax code, having decisions influenced by tax advantage or disadvantage would be a thing of the past.

The new income tax code would include a low (10% perhaps) flat tax on all personal income regardless of source, and the code would have no subsidies, deductions, credits, what-have-you. No loopholes. Just: enumerate your income, remit 10% of that.

Now us Americans would be able to keep more of our money, make freer decisions concerning our needs and wants, have more to save for emergencies, future expenses, retirement. All based on our own view of our present and future economic situation, instead of having to do our own dance around the tax code.

Too, with everyone paying at least a little, the Federal government would see a net increase in tax revenue, and that increase would be even larger from the increased overall economic activity in a free market economy in which the private players, us Americans and our businesses, are more active.

Easy peasy. All it takes is political courage. And for us American voters to inject that courage by repeatedly firing those politicians who lack it and repeatedly hiring those who have it. After all, that’s what elections are for—they really do have consequences.

How Much

Progressive-Democratic Party politicians constantly and loudly insist that they need to raise taxes so that the rich actually pay their fair share.

Here are some data on what Americans actually pay at various levels of tax remittances.Notice, too, that the Federal Poverty Guideline for a family of four in 2020 was $26,200 for the Lower 48 and DC.

And there’s this, showing the progressing progressiveness of our tax code.Even as that marginal tax rate has come down, the percentage of total income taxes paid by those Evil Rich has gone up.

This is why those Progressive-Democrats steadfastly refuse to say how much is that “fair share,” whether in dollars or in rates.

I Agree with the Progressive-Democrat

California Congresswoman Rosa DeLauro, the Progressive-Democratic Party member who chairs the House Appropriations Committee, claims she’s open to a tax cut deal.

Our ask is simple: if we can provide tax cuts for America’s corporations, we can certainly provide a tax cut for America’s kids[.]

I agree, and it is a simple ask. Provide the tax cut for America’s kids by reducing the personal income tax rates their parents have to pay.

Sadly, DeLauro isn’t at all serious.

Get Rid of the EV Subsidy Altogether

Allied and friendly governments object to the Biden administration’s battery-operated car tax subsidy requirements that these vehicles be assembled substantially in the US or they’re not eligible for the subsidy. That puts battery-operated cars assembled in Europe, Japan, and the Republic of Korea at a substantial disadvantage in the competition for sales in the US.

They’re right, but for a different reason than they think.

The Biden administration should get rid of the battery-operated car subsidies altogether. If battery-operated cars truly were ready for market, they’d need no subsidy: Americans would buy them on the merits of the cars. If we don’t want them, or don’t want them in large numbers, government intervention (via subsidies here) is no more appropriate than is government intervention in any other section of our free market marketplace.

Full stop.