No Question Here

Federal District Judge Loren AliKhan is the presiding judge in Soffer v George Washington University, a case centered on allegations that antisemitic activity is rampant on the GWU campus. While serving in that capacity, the GWU Law School hired the judge as an adjunct professor.

The overlap has prompted questions about a potential conflict of interest, given federal rules requiring judges to avoid cases in which their impartiality might reasonably be questioned. AliKhan did not immediately step aside but issued a 10-day stay in late March to consider whether recusal is warranted. Since the April 20 status conference, no final decision has been publicly announced.

??

How is this even a question? Those Federal rules don’t just bar judges’ conflicts of interest, nor is this merely a matter of questions of impartiality. Those rules bar judges from actions that create even the appearance of a conflict of interest, a requirement that, if honored by judges, preempts any questions of impartiality.

It’s more than that, though. While AliKhan was presiding, she should never have even considered the GWU offer of employment, or she should have resigned from the bench altogether: teaching in a law school hews too close to the ethical line and creates that barred appearance of conflict.

That she hasn’t even deigned recuse herself yet (as I write on Sunday) is instructive of her level of ethics. Given that lack, GWU’s Law School should reconsider its hiring of her, and if the Law School can’t figure it out, GWU should act in its subordinate Law School’s stead. Either of those entiities’ decision to do nothing would be instructive, also.

“No New Negotiations”

That’s the position of Iran President Masoud Pezeshkian, at least until the US lifts its blockade of Iran’s ports and of shipping going to and from Iran.

I’m down with that. The blockade has finally achieved something that years of sanctions have failed to obtain: a serious stranglehold on the money flowing into Iran, which it uses in its nuclear weapons development programs [sic] and to fund its terrorist satraps.

Even this serious grip, though, will take time to produce results, particularly among a collection of despots who believe that they have lost nothing since they have not lost their lives. The US should push the pace. Let the bomb deliveries resume and dismantle the despots’ war-making infrastructure. Destroy Iran’s ports, cut the pipelines to Kharg Island and to Bandar Abbas. Cut the pipelines running from Iran’s oil wells and running to and from Iran’s refineries. Resume the attacks against the now dispersed IRGC leadership. Hunt and destroy Iran’s stored inventory of missiles, drones, and launchers. Destroy Iran’s missile, drone, and launcher production facilities. Hunt and destroy Iran’s (IRGC’s) mosquito boat fleet which it currently uses to attack commercial shipping in the Arabian Gulf.

Keep this up until the despots come to the table with decision-makers and agree the US’ terms. President Donald Trump (R) has acknowledged that the Iran government, having taken casualties already, is fractured and in a power struggle, but this is irrelevant. With the increased pressure and casualties among those in charge or competing to be in charge, the surviving government men will figure out how to stop being fractured and take seriously their fate.

As President Donald Trump (R) said when he called off his envoys’ trip to Pakistan last week, the Iranian despots know how to call him and can do so when they’re ready to be serious. They also can be given safe passage to any meeting point while kinetic operations continue.