Couple Critical Errors

…in an otherwise well-intended and worthy effort. California Governor Gavin Newsom (D) wants to make it possible for prison inmates who have been trained in firefighting and have place[d] themselves in danger assisting firefighters to defend the life and property of Californians to join fire departments after they’ve been released from prison.

Long-time readers of my blog know that I am a firm believer in rehabilitation and redemption, and this move would open one path to each of those.

There are a couple of tweaks, though, that are necessary for making this a truly effective move. One is this: Newsom has signed into law

legislation allowing inmate firefighters to get their criminal records dismissed so they can qualify for civilian firefighting jobs after they are released.
…
The dismissal opens the door for model inmate firefighters to qualify for paramedic certification, a requirement for civilian fire departments. Currently, those with convictions are barred by state law from becoming an EMT.

I don’t agree, generally, with expunging criminal records when the crimes were committed by adults. In this sort of case, though, it would be appropriate to seal an (ex-)felon’s record so he can apply to a fire department.

A better option, however, would be to alter the State’s law regarding EMT eligibility to permit ex-felons otherwise trained as firefighters (even if trained while in prison) to become EMTs for the purpose of joining a fire department as a firefighter. (And, if that works out after some number of years of empirical observation, expanding the eligibility of ex-felons to become EMTs more generally.)

The other is one of mindset.

Inmates who have stood on the frontlines, battling historic fires should not be denied the right to later become a professional firefighter[.]

Rather, inmates who have stood on the frontlines, battling historic fires should not be denied the opportunity to later become a professional firefighter. No one has a right to any particular job, or career, or avocation. All of us do have a right to opportunity.

Textualism and Newspeak

A 5th Circuit Court of Appeals has a case that’s well summarized (for the sake of my thesis) by the Institute for Justice in this way:

What are judges to do when they wish to be faithful to text but two provisions of the same law irreconcilably conflict? The Fifth Circuit brings us the answer with an annual Medicare health care provider compensation formula that overlaps for one day each year.

The court’s answer is a blithe engagement in Newspeak, textualism, and a misunderstanding of the duties of judges. The details of the case itself needn’t concern us here; it’s sufficient that it centers on those two provisions of a statute that contradict each other:

Here’s the conflict:  Federal regulations establish a compensation formula for the payment of certain health care providers—a formula that changes once a year.  But there’s a glitch.  Each formula takes effect on January 1 and runs until January 1 of the following year. That means that, on 364 days of every year, there’s no conflict. But on January 1, two competing formulas purport to apply, making it unclear which one governs:  the new one, or the one from the preceding year.

Now it might seem that a conflict of a single day and a judge or panel of judges picking one of them to govern is a trivial matter. But there’s a principle involved centered on the judiciary’s duty vs that of the political branches that far outweighs the trivium of a single day’s conflict.

Thus:

First, the court engaged in this bit of newspeak [cite omitted]:

respect for text requires that “judges must do the least damage they can.” And doing the “least damage” to the text means attempting to determine, if at all possible, which of the two conflicting provisions should govern in a particular case.

Then the court uttered this newspeak [cite omitted]:

“This is no departure from textualism,” but rather a “recognition” that the law “has produced a series of texts that cannot coexist.”

Of course it is a departure from textualism. The statute says what it says, neither more nor less.

It’s also the case that, under our Constitution, it is the Congress in concert with the Executive (occasionally overruling the Executive)—the political branches of our government—that write the statute; no one in the Judiciary branch has that authority.

Thus, when the plain, obvious, and rational meaning of one clause of a statute directly contradicts the plain, obvious, and rational meaning of another clause of the same statute in such a way that the statute cannot function until its internal contradiction is resolved, only the political branches that resolve the matter.

What, after all, is the court’s limiting principle here? When does a contradiction (for instance) exceed judges’ ability to do the least damage they can? How far can judges depart from the plain, obvious, and rational meaning of this or that clause without altering its plain, obvious, and rational meaning or disregarding it altogether?

How far can judges intrude into the role of the political branches of our government and remain true to their own duties as members of the Judiciary?

The questions answer themselves, and rather tautologically: judges cannot depart from the text without rewriting it. Not by a minim.

Nor can judges intrude into political matters farther than a minim. They can intrude to the limit of a minim, however, and the intrusion takes a much shorter path than trying to find one’s way through the Labyrinth of an Orwellian dictionary: they can rule that, taken as a whole, the statute is unconstitutionally vague from that internal contradiction rendering the statute inoperable, even if its separate clauses are crystalline; they can strike it.

The ruling can be read here.

 

H/t to Institute for Justice‘s Short Circuit newsletter [by free subscription; although IJ gratefully accepts donations at the link in this h/t.

He Misspoke?

Progressive-Democratic Party Presidential candidate Joe Biden spoke to a few reporters who, along with a few union bigwigs, were his entire audience (carefully unfilmed by the press, in contrast to the frequently done panning across President Donald Trump’s audiences with a view to “worrying” about masks and social distancing) at his Warren, MI, campaign stop the other day.

At that campaign event, Biden said that our armed forces had seen 118,984 cases and 6,114 deaths.

Stop and think about that. The context of that particular claim was Biden taking Trump to task for the latter’s alleged mishandling of our nation’s Wuhan Virus situation, haranguing him over the deaths that have resulted and how Trump should have done better. It was within that, that Biden made his charge of hundreds of thousands of Wuhan Virus cases and thousands of Wuhan Virus deaths in our military.

Shortly after Biden made that charge, his Deputy Rapid Response Director, Michael Gwin, “clarified” Biden’s remarks: the military has had only 7 deaths from the virus; Biden mistakenly had read the wrong datum from his notes and had read off Michigan’s virus statistics.

Now think about that. Biden, knowing full well the vanishingly small number of virus-generated deaths in our military, accidentally and unquestioningly read off Michigan’s far larger numbers in support of his castigation?

That’s what Gwin would have us believe. Never mind that Biden had those data written down in his notes.

No.

Biden’s error was not a misspeak, nor was it a “senior moment,” as others might think.

Biden’s error was in his thinking he could utter such an obvious lie and get away with it.

On the other hand, maybe I can interest Gwin’s audience in investing in a bridge across Lake St Clair that I hear the Biden Infrastructure Program is planning on building.

Lies of the Progressive-Democrat

Progressive-Democratic Party Presidential candidate Joe Biden claimed in a recent “press conference” in Pennsylvania’s oil and gas country that

I am not banning fracking… no matter how many times Donald Trump lies about me[.]

Let’s review the bidding here.

During a primary debate in March against Senator Bernie Sanders [I, VT] when his audience was not Western Pennsylvania, Biden agreed with Sanders’s fracking ban legislation. “No more—no new fracking”

Those carefully selected weasel words—”new fracking.” Of course, that’s a ban on fracking: the currently fracked fields will play out—pretty quickly, in fact, since the fracking only affects small regions of the oil/gas bearing fields. When they’re played out, no new fracking means just that: a ban on fracking. All the new part means is that existing fracking facilities wouldn’t be torn down under a Biden reign.

That’s not all, though.  Biden guaranteed a New Hampshire woman—pre-Wuhan Virus situation, when he wasn’t afraid to mingle with ordinary folks—that

he would “end fossil fuels” if he became president.

Clearly, subsumed in that ending is a ban on fracking.

The Vice President candidate whom Party picked for Biden isn’t any better. Senator Kamala Harris (D, CA) said when she was still running for Party’s Presidential nomination,

There’s no question I’m in favor of banning fracking.

Biden—his entire ticket—is adamantly and on record as enthusiastically supporting a ban on fracking. Then, in a section of oil/gas country, speaking to that oil/gas labor audience, Biden claims to not wanting to ban fracking.

And we’re supposed to believe him. Those oil/gas laborers are supposed to believe him.

In addition to blatantly lying, Biden is insulting the intelligence of those folks.

Funding the Police

Senator Josh Hawley (R, MO) wants to do that, so he’s introducing the David Dorn Back the Blue Act that would authorize DoJ to

raise the salaries of state and local police forces all across the country—except in cities that have chosen to defund law enforcement in the wake of nationwide protests and riots.

And

If the bill becomes law, police departments will have new federal funding at their disposal allowing them to increase the salaries of officers “up to 110 percent of the local median earnings, and would exclude cities that defund their police[.]”

Hawley is on the right track, but there needs to be an important adjustment to his bill. Rather than simply providing Federal funding to those cities, those funds should be matching funds, requiring the cities to put up their own salary-increasing funds before getting any Federal monies (I claim the matching ratio should require the receiving city to put up at least 50% of the increase). Otherwise, the city would simply shift the cost of the increase onto taxpayers from other States, taxpayers who have their own police departments to support.