Tag Archives: political parties

Democrats and Unions

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Illinois’ Democrat-controlled legislature—both houses—passed a budget earlier this year that spent $4 billion more than it intended to collect in revenue: a $36 billion spending bill against a $32 billion revenue bill. Never mind the rank dishonesty of this—bankrupt Illinois has no hope of raising those $4 billion except by borrowing, and these Democrat legislaturists know that. They have no intention, then, of repaying the borrowing, and that’s the dishonesty.

But leave that aside for a moment, and consider the following.

Governor Bruce Rauner (R) vetoed the bill because of that deficit, so the State is operating without a budget. Nevertheless, Rauner said the State would keep paying its government employees; as AFSCME said in support of Rauner’s decision,

public service workers in state government are on the job despite the lack of a state budget…and they should be paid for their work on time and in full.

Well, not so fast. Illinois’ Democrat Attorney General Lisa Madigan (just by happenstance, she’s also the daughter of the State’s Democrat Speaker of the House, Michael Madigan, whose own father was a New Deal pusher), with the full backing of her Democrat legislaturists, went into Illinois’ courts to block payment for those same “public service workers.”

Strictly to make a political point for their own benefit, these legislaturist Democrats are trying to prevent their employees from being paid, and they’re using their (erstwhile?) union allies as speed cushions for their bus. The Democratic Party of Illinois is typical of the national Democratic Party.

Democrats and Regulation

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Uber is successful in competing with the established taxi industry, and New York City Mayer Bill de Blasio (D) is all upset about it. He wants to freeze Uber’s (and other ad hoc rides-for-hire companies’) growth until he can figure out how to regulate them:

[W]e support a short pause in the rapid increase of for-hire vehicles to make sure that the future growth of this industry lives up to the policies and principles we set out as a city.

“Short pause.” Sure. He supported his argument in that piece by citing other jurisdictions where Uber had resisted…being over-regulated.

Hillary Clinton is his BFF on this:

while the “gig economy” may be “exciting” and “unleashing innovation,” “it is also raising hard questions about workplace protections and what a good job will look like in the future.”

Because. Just because. It exists; it has to be regulated.

Democrats abhor anything that’s not under their regulation, not under their control. Americans just are too stupid to see to their own affairs without Know Betters instructing us. And our Know Betters are the only ones qualified to define “what a good job will look like in the future.”

Update: de Blasio seems to have recognized the error of his ways. For now.  Clinton has not.

Hillary Clinton’s Emails

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It just gets better and better. Hillary Clinton has released a “FAQ” about her emails and her destruction of a significant fraction of them. Byron York, writing in The Washington Examiner, had some thoughts about them.

One of the FAQ questions Clinton posed concerned whether any of her emails were under subpoena at the time they were destroyed.

The emails that Clinton chose not to keep were personal emails—they were not federal records or even work-related—and therefore were not subject to any preservation obligation under the Federal Records Act or any request. Nor would they have been subject to the subpoena—which did not exist at the time….

Except that

The subpoena to which Clinton referred was issued March 4, 2015, after the committee learned that Clinton kept her emails on a separate, secret server. Clinton seems to be confirming that she destroyed her email records (and all backups, according to her attorney) in early December, which would be three months before the Benghazi committee subpoena. So Clinton’s argument is: there’s no way I was subject to a subpoena because I destroyed everything before the subpoena was issued.

Putting aside the question of whether Clinton’s emails were already covered by an earlier subpoena—Benghazi committee chairman Rep. Trey Gowdy [R, SC] maintains they were—there is still the question of whether Clinton, all along, had a legal obligation to preserve her emails and hand them over to Congress. And on that question, there seems no doubt Clinton was legally required to do just that—and despite that obligation destroyed the emails anyway.

On September 20, 2012, nine days after the terrorist attack in Benghazi, Libya, the House Oversight Committee’s Subcommittee on National Security, Homeland Defense and Foreign Operations sent a letter to then-Secretary of State Clinton asking for “all information…related to the attack on the consulate.” The letter told Clinton, “In complying with this request, you are required to produce all responsive documents that are in your possession, custody, or control, whether held by you or your past or present agents, employees, and representatives acting on your behalf.” The letter specified emails as documents covered by the request.

The letter was clear. In response, the State Department produced not a single email to or from Clinton. The world now knows, of course, that Clinton did in fact possess emails covered by the request and did not turn them over.

Even if Clinton’s argument that her personal emails were somehow not covered by the Letter, the subpoena, or the Federal Records Act and related legislation holds water, how can we know Clinton destroyed only personal correspondence, correspondence that “were not federal records or even work-related” as she claims? We can’t know. Clinton destroyed the evidence.

It’s all the more important that Congress lay hands on her servers, hard drives, and other storage media, and do a proper forensic investigation.

A Court Gets it Right

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This time a State Supreme Court, in particular, Wisconsin’s. Recall that some rogue Democratic Party prosecutors in Wisconsin have been persecuting a number of Wisconsin citizens for the dastardly crime of supporting Scott Walker. Recall further, that the law under which this victims were being persecuted was claimed by those prosecutors as allowing them to silence their victims, even to the point of preventing those victims from speaking publicly about their persecution. Hence the term “John Doe statute.”

The Wisconsin Supreme Court took a dim view of such…shenanigans. Last part first: the Court ruled that the prosecutors must

cease all activities related to the investigation, return all property seized in the investigation from any individual or organization and permanently destroy all copies of information and other materials obtained through the investigation.

If it had been me, I’d have required the prosecutors to post a substantial all cash bond against their performance of this requirement, and for 10 years thereafter against their continued performance, but I’ll take this. Still, I’d like the bond in light of the Court’s evident disdain for the prosecutor’s behavior:

…the special prosecutor relies upon, leads us to the unsettling conclusion that it is left to government bureaucrats and/or individual prosecutors to determine how much coordination between campaign committees and independent groups is “too much” coordination. In essence, under his theory, every candidate, in every campaign in which an issue advocacy group participates, would get their own John Doe proceeding and their own special prosecutor to determine the extent of any coordination. This is not, and cannot, be the law in a democracy…

The special prosecutor has disregarded the vital principle that in our nation and our state political speech is a fundamental right and is afforded the highest level of protection. The special prosecutor’s theories…would assure that such political speech will be investigated with paramilitary-style home invasions conducted in the pre-dawn hours and then prosecuted and punished. In short, the special prosecutor completely ignores the command that, when seeking to regulate issue advocacy groups, such regulation must be done with “narrow specificity.”

And

It is utterly clear that the special prosecutor has employed theories of law that do not exist in order to investigate citizens who were wholly innocent of any wrongdoing. In other words, the special prosecutor was the instigator of a “perfect storm” of wrongs that was visited upon the innocent Unnamed Movants and those who dared to associate with them.

Another problem, though, is that this disregard for the law and for the speech of others isn’t limited to the Wisconsin branch of the Democratic Party.

The Court’s decision can be seen here.

The Supreme Court Erred Again

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Heads up: long post. I have some thoughts on the Roberts Court’s ruling concerning the IRS’ tax credits.

Chief Justice John Roberts again rewrote the Patient Protection Affordable and Care Act to suit what he thought it should say rather than staying within the bounds of what it actually says. In these comments I’ll leave aside Roberts’ guiding principles that health plans that are independent of the risk being transferred are, somehow, insurance plans; that possession of a health plan is a universal so good it must be mandated; and that the folks who need a health plan the least—the healthy—must also be required to possess such a plan. Those matters have been well addressed elsewhere. I’ll confine my remarks to his position on the IRS’ tax credits.

What the ACA actually says regarding State Exchanges and IRS’ tax credits is this [emphasis added in both cites]:

The premium assistance amount determined under this subsection with respect to any coverage month is the amount equal to the lesser of—

  • the monthly premiums for such month for 1 or more qualified health plans offered in the individual market within a State which cover the taxpayer, the taxpayer’s spouse, or any dependent (as defined in section 152) of the taxpayer and which were enrolled in through an Exchange established by the State [under the ACA]

and

The term “coverage month” means, with respect to an applicable taxpayer, any month if—

  • as of the first day of such month the taxpayer, the taxpayer’s spouse, or any dependent of the taxpayer is covered by a qualified health plan described in subsection (b)(2)(A) that was enrolled in through an Exchange established by the State [under the ACA]

It really is quite explicit and clear. Eligibility for the tax credits is only through enrollment in a State Exchange: Federally established exchanges simply do not count. Nevertheless, as Roberts noted [citations omitted],

the IRS Rule provides that a taxpayer is eligible for a tax credit if he enrolled in an insurance plan through “an Exchange,” which is defined as “an Exchange serving the individual market…regardless of whether the Exchange is established and operated by a State…or by HHS[.]”

Now comes the first of Roberts’ non sequiturs:

The tax credits are among the Act’s key reforms, involving billions of dollars in spending each year and affecting the price of health insurance for millions of people. Whether those credits are available on Federal Exchanges is thus a question of deep “economic and political significance” that is central to this statutory scheme; had Congress wished to assign that question to an agency, it surely would have done so expressly.

Indeed. However, it’s irrelevant. As he admitted, the money’s availability is an economic and political question; it most assuredly is not a legal one. This is no matter for the Court to involve itself.

Roberts then laid out three things he held must be true in order to reach his ruling:

First, the individual must enroll in an insurance plan through “an Exchange.” Second, that Exchange must be “established by the State.” And third, that Exchange must be established “under [42 U. S. C. §18031].”

For the first, Roberts turned to this bit of pseudo-logic:

State Exchanges and Federal Exchanges are equivalent—they must meet the same requirements, perform the same functions, and serve the same purposes. Although State and Federal Exchanges are established by different sovereigns, Sections 18031 and 18041 do not suggest that they differ in any meaningful way. A Federal Exchange therefore counts as “an Exchange” under Section 36B.

Notice that: Roberts has conflated “equivalent” with “equal,” or “the same as,” and he has minimized the critical distinction that renders them not at all the same: that the Exchanges were established by different sovereigns. The first is in part a straw man: no one was arguing the two different Exchanges were not equivalent enough to satisfy the “must have a health plan” requirement. The conflation and the minimization are absolutely necessary, though, to support disregarding the plain language of the ACA: an Exchange established by the State.

Thus, the first of his three things which must be true to support his opinion has failed, and so the rest of his argument fails, as well.

Let’s proceed, anyway, to the second of his three things which he has said must be true for his argument to be true.

As we just mentioned, the Act requires all Exchanges to “make available qualified health plans to qualified individuals”—something an Exchange could not do if there were no such individuals.
…
And that’s a problem: If we give the phrase “the State that established the Exchange” its most natural meaning, there would be no “qualified individuals” on Federal Exchanges.

Of course it cannot: none qualified means none qualified. Full stop. By definition, then, “if there are no such individuals” then the Exchange has achieved its duty of 100%. There is not the first syllable of an obligation created in ACA that requires a State or a State’s Exchange to manufacture qualified individuals out of the æther where none exist naturally. Neither is there the first syllable of an authorization crated in the ACA for a Federal Exchange to manufacture such individuals in a State’s stead.

This problem arises repeatedly throughout the Act.

Yes, it does. So much so that the problem must be taken at face value: it is not a problem but the repeatedly stated intent of the ACA. Indeed, the Supreme Court already had ruled on this sort of question in a prior case—oddly health care related, also—Brown v Gardner, wherein Justice David Souter, writing for the Court, quoted a rule laid out in Russello v US, a rule now well-established (except, apparently, in the minds of the Roberts Court):

Where Congress includes particular language in one section of a statute but omits it in another section of the same Act, it is generally presumed that Congress acts intentionally and purposely in the disparate inclusion or exclusion.

Where Congress included particular language concerning credits in one section of the ACA but omitted it in another section of the same Act, and where Congress included particular language concerning Exchanges in one section of the ACA but omitted it in other sections of the Act, the Court must presume that Congress acted intentionally and purposely in that disparate exclusion.

And so Roberts’ second argument has failed, and so then has his overall argument.

Proceeding to his conclusion from his three points (I’ll not contest his third):

The upshot of all this is that the phrase “an Exchange established by the State under [42 U. S. C. §18031]” is properly viewed as ambiguous. The phrase may be limited in its reach to State Exchanges. But it is also possible that the phrase refers to all Exchanges—both State and Federal—at least for purposes of the tax credits.

No, the phrase is extremely clear: it applies only to State-established Exchanges. Or else Roberts is saying that this is permissible, also: the phrase “2 + 2” may be limited in its reach to the sum of 4. But it is also possible that the phrase refers to all sums—at least for purposes of Supreme Court Justices. No. As Roberts noted above, the thing is stated often throughout the ACA, and so it’s clearly intended to mean what it says.

Roberts went on in that vein for some distance; I’ll just touch on some highlights.

The Affordable Care Act contains more than a few examples of inartful drafting.

True. Also irrelevant. It’s the Court’s job first, to determine the legitimacy—the Constitutionality—of the law before it, or in the present case, whether the Rule before it comports with the law it’s purported to implement, and if legitimate to apply the law or Rule as it is written. Note that it’s necessary to determine legitimacy, too, based solely on the text of the law or Rule and on nothing else—including the clumsiness with which it might have been written.

[citation omitted] Here, the statutory scheme compels us to reject petitioners’ interpretation because it would destabilize the individual insurance market in any State with a Federal Exchange, and likely create the very “death spirals” that Congress designed the Act to avoid. (“We cannot interpret federal statutes to negate their own stated purposes.”).

And yet the ACA’s clearly stated purpose was that tax credits would be available only for health plan purchasers who purchased their plans through a State Exchange—as the ACA said repeatedly. The provision for Federal Exchanges was solely to provide for the availability of health plans for everyone. Had the ACA contemplated the tax credits to be available through Federal Exchanges, also, it would have said so at any of the ample opportunities available for so saying. The Congress chose not to say so.

[emphasis added, citation omitted] When analyzing an agency’s interpretation of a statute, we often apply the two-step framework announced in Chevron. Under that framework, we ask whether the statute is ambiguous and, if so, whether the agency’s interpretation is reasonable. This approach “is premised on the theory that a statute’s ambiguity constitutes an implicit delegation from Congress to the agency to fill in the statutory gaps.“

But this is just the agency writing law—filling in gaps in law can only be law-writing—which the Court has previously ruled unconstitutional; law writing is the sole province of Congress. For instance, in JW Hampton, Jr., & Co v United States, the Court held that [emphasis added]

“In determining what Congress may do in seeking assistance from another branch, the extent and character of that assistance must be fixed according to common sense and the inherent necessities of the government co-ordination.” So long as Congress “shall lay down by legislative act an intelligible principle to which the person or body authorized to [exercise the delegated authority] is directed to conform, such legislative action is not a forbidden delegation of legislative power.”

In other words, no gaps in the law. Only the law itself is available to the Rule maker; actual gaps can be filled only statutorily.

Here are some additional thoughts, now on Roberts’ repeated contention that he is able to divine Congressional intent and that divination should supersede the plain text of the law.

Debates in Congress are not appropriate sources of information from which to discover the meaning of the language of a statute passed by that body.

That’s what this Court held in Dunlap v US. We are stuck with, and the Court should adhere to—is obligated by their several oaths of office to adhere to—the plain language of the law before them. And that plain language is quite clear.

Thus, how do we know what Congress actually intended? It’s very clear: by the words in the statute that the Congress passed. Full stop.

Or:

“When I use a word,” Humpty Dumpty said in rather a scornful tone, “it means just what I choose it to mean—neither more nor less.”

“The question is,” said Alice, “whether you can make words mean so many different things.”

“The question is,” said Humpty Dumpty, “which is to be master—that’s all.”

God save the United States and this Honorable Court, indeed.

The ruling and dissent can be seen here.