No, Congress Can’t Do That

William Galston, in his last week’s Tuesday op-ed, expressed concern about the growing power (as opposed to authority) of American Presidents, and he proposed a solution.

[I]t [is] be up to Congress to write legal language defining clearly the limits of presidential power.

Even were the President to sign off on such legislation (or Congress to override his veto), anything more than a tweak to a Congressionally-enacted statute (viz., the Electoral Count Act tweak to which Galston referred) would be blatantly unconstitutional. (The ECA may itself be unconstitutional given how vague our Constitution is on the role and authorities of Electors and the sitting Vice President in counting Elector votes for President.)

Galston’s solution, which accrues power (as opposed to authority) to Congress, is every bit as dangerous (aside from its unconstitutionality) as accruing power to the Presidency. Galston’s move ignores the fact that not only did we rebel against a monarchical chief executive, we also wrote our Constitution to prevent the concept of Congressional (Parliamentary) Superiority from taking hold in our republican nation.

Our Constitution is quite clear on the matter, both in text and in that text’s construction of a Federal government whose powers (as well as authorities) are divided equally among the three branches of Legislature, Executive, and Judiciary. These are three branches equal in their powers and authorities. Congress cannot take it on itself to limit the power, or authority, of a rival branch.

If Congress is serious about reining in what it views as an overweening Executive, if it is not simply bleating virtuously in attempts to gain political points, it will propose the Constitutional amendment that tightens the reins and then convince the American citizens of at least 38 States to ratify its amendment.

Irony Meter Pegged

Here’s the lede:

Human-resources professionals are pulling out of their marquee conference on inclusion and some have canceled their memberships in SHRM, the industry’s chief lobbying group, after the organization invited conservative activist Robby Starbuck to speak.

And the caption of the lead image:

SHRM President Johnny C Taylor Jr says the group tries to showcase diverse points of view.

Imagine that. An HR organization that makes a point of diversity of views is losing membership because the organization invited a speaker with a view that diverges from HR “professionals'” orthodoxy.

Just one more example of “diversity” hypocrisy.

Imagine That

The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors has declared an emergency over ICE raids rounding up illegal aliens in the county.

The 4-1 vote came as federal law enforcement continues to target illegal aliens in the Los Angeles area, The Associated Press reported. The city was the site of major anti-Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) riots earlier this year….

Imagine that. The LA County BoS thinks it’s an emergency when the Federal government moves to enforce Federal laws, but rioting against the Federal government’s agents who are carrying out that enforcement is no big deal.

This is how far toward the Leftist Extreme the Progressive-Democratic Party has fallen.

Overwrought

A letter-writer in The Wall Street Journal‘s Letters section offered this regarding the secondary education compact President Donald Trump (R) has on offer for, so far, a few of the more major colleges and universities.

The White House’s new compact is central planning in academic dress: dictating who colleges admit, what they charge and what professors may say….

Higher education has always thrived on independence and competition, not government loyalty oaths.

There is no central planning here, neither is there any White House diktat regarding admissions, charges, or speech. There is no requirement for any of the institutions to accept the deal.

Higher education still can thrive on independence and competition—and it will regain that independence when it stops being dependent on Federal government funding. Were these institutions (and the rest of them not yet offered) to decline Trump’s offer, all that would happen is that they would not gain preferential access to the Federal teat.

That would be the first step toward true educational independence.

A Couple of Election Law Thoughts

I have some, on occasion, and this is one of those occasions. The Supreme Court is considering taking up a case regarding whether a State may (not can) count absentee ballots received after voting day. The particular case involves Louisiana’s law that allows such ballots to be counted if received within five days after voting day; the 5th Circuit court said nope, absentee ballots must be received by voting day to be countable.

Those defending the law appealed to the Supremes, making this argument among others:

Adopting that ruling would require scrapping election laws in about 30 states, lawyers for Mississippi told the court.
“The decision below thus invites nationwide litigation against laws in most States—risking chaos in the next federal elections, particularly given the tendency of election law claims to spur last-minute lawsuits,” they said.

That a Supreme Court ruling upholding the appellate court (the only correct ruling IMNSHO) would invalidate election laws broadly is wholly irrelevant. All that matters here is what our Constitution requires and what statutes that are themselves within the bounds of our Constitution say. The convenience of government is distinctly unimportant.

The second beef, that concern about last-minute lawsuits filed just before an election, is legitimate, but it’s easily handled. States can enact laws (so can the Federal government under its Article I, Section 4 authority) that bar courts hearing lawsuits occurring within [six months] of an election from issuing injunctions or temporary restraining orders that alter the status quo and that bar court rulings that are handed down within those same [six months] from having effect until after the next occurring election.