The Supreme Court and Utilities

The Supreme Court on Monday upheld the federal government’s ability to spur incentives for industrial businesses, schools and other large energy consumers to reduce power usage at times of peak demand.

The court, in a 6-2 ruling by Justice Elena Kagan, said the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission acted within its powers when it issued an order in 2011 requiring higher levels of compensation for some power customers that agreed to reduce their electricity use.

The Court likely is right on this, in that FERC’s rule is within the confines of the underlying law. However, this still is the government picking winners and losers, and this still is the government dictating to private enterprise what it must do.

The corrective answers that are required, then, are two: one is to withdraw FERC’s authority to issue such rules, to rescind Congress’ delegation of such rule-making to FERC (such a rescission is required across the board, but that’s for another writing).

The other required answer is to alter the underlying law that the FERC rule was…fleshing out. It’s a law that is no longer necessary and that, as the FERC rule demonstrates, has become vulnerable to Executive Branch abuse.

That law is Section 201 of the Federal Power Act, which

empowers FERC to regulate “the sale of electric energy at wholesale in interstate commerce.”

Congress’ authority (not an Executive Branch agency’s) to regulate interstate commerce is constitutionally limited to regularizing commerce among the States, not to dictate the terms of that commerce. Of course, for Congress to recover this authority and its limits, a third required answer consists of correcting a number of Supreme Court mistakes regarding how far Big Government may reach inside any State to regulate commerce there.

Party vs Party

I’ve been on about a critical difference between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party in past posts. The difference of interest is in each Party’s belief in actual (republican) democracy: the Democrats prefer to settle deals behind closed doors and out of the public’s eye, and the Republicans are not at all timid about having their discussions out loud and out in front of their constituents and American voters generally. One Party talks democracy; the other Party lives it.

Here is that difference made manifest. Iowa Caucus‘ table lays out, side by side, the two Party’s procedures for running a caucus. It’s a long-ish table; I’ll summarize the salient points here.

Both parties use straw votes at caucus centers to identify Party voter preferences for candidates.

The Republican caucus has no minimum threshold for a candidate to get a delegate selection from the caucuses. There’s no guarantee that the succeeding conventions within Iowa will use the results of the straw poll for formal selection of delegates to the Party’s national convention, but there’s no pressure not to.

The Democrat caucus actively silences minority candidates—anyone with less than 15% of the caucus-goers’ support can kiss his role in the Iowa contest good-bye: he’s disqualified. Further, those caucus-goers who amount to that less than 15% support are actively pressured to change their allegiance to another candidate. It gets…better: that 15% threshold and active pressure to change allegiance carries through to every stage of formal Iowa delegate selection for the Democrats’ national convention.

So much for the value of the little guy’s input.