Responsibility

What is this thing, responsibility?

A Detroit teacher [at Pershing High School] has been fired after a cell phone video surfaced of her breaking up a fight between two students with a broom.

Keith Johnson, President of the Detroit Federation of Teachers, understands what this thing, this idea of responsibility, is? He said that

the teacher was wrong for using a broom, although he understands her motive. “Unfortunately, the method that she used, in terms of swatting one with a broom, is a violation of the corporal punishment provision under the Michigan school code. But she’s caught in a quandary because under that same code she’s expected to do what is necessary to diffuse a situation.”

It’s the rules’ responsibility, not the person. Nope, the union rep doesn’t get it.

Then there’s Kiren Lowery, one of the pupils in the fight. He said that

he does not feel responsible for her termination. He thinks she should have waited for security to come.

Because it’s always someone else’s problem. No understanding here, either.

Does any school teach responsibility anymore?

Another Thought on Privacy

David Kravets, writing in ars technica had one concerning a couple of cases coming before the Supreme Court dealing with the legitimacy of warrantless searches of cell phones and other digital devices pursuant to an otherwise legitimate arrest.

President Barack Obama’s administration and prosecutors from states across the country have lobbied for police officers to be able to search arrestees’ gadgets—at or about the time of arrest—without a warrant. Such action, however, demands an examination of the Fourth Amendment’s protection against “unreasonable searches and seizures.” If nine out of 10 American adults own mobile phones and the devices have advanced to become virtual extensions of our personal and private lives, at what point does law enforcement’s access to their call logs, photos, and cloud-hosted data become “unreasonable” invasions of constitutionally protected privacy?

Indeed. It’s also necessary to keep such ancillary searches in context. The courts long have held that when a man is arrested, the police can pat him down, even do cursory inspections of his car if that’s where he was arrested—look in the trunk, for instance—to be sure he has no weapons that would enable him to harm the arresting officer(s) or devices that would facilitate him attempting to escape from them.

It’s clear, though, or it should be clear, that the electronic contents of a cell phone or of a laptop or…can present no danger of either of those possibilities.

It’s also apparent that the two characters in the cases before the Supreme Court are unsavory at best. It’s also clear that the cursory search of the car David Riley was driving at the time of his arrest was both legitimate and fruitful—the police found weapons secreted in it. However, the persons’ unsavoriness is not an excuse for proceeding with the illegitimate, in my view, searches of their cell phones—there were no dangers to be found in those electrons; a search warrant should have been obtained before the searches conducted.

If such warrantless searches are allowed, what’s to stop government from expanding the scope to the less unsavory among us? To the entirely savory, other than those of whom government disapproves (IRS, anyone)?

There wasn’t even any danger of evidence contained in the phones being destroyed before the warrants could be issued; the cells were safely in police custody.

In one of the two cases, Solicitor General Donald Verrilli Jr made explicit a part of the Federal government’s rationale for such warrantless searches:

[J]ustices “should not deprive officers of an investigative tool that is increasingly important for preserving evidence of serious crimes based on purely imaginary fears that police officers will invoke their authority to review drug dealers’…’appointments with marital counselors’ or armed robbers’ ‘apps to help smokers quit.'” (Verrilli was citing examples lodged with the court by the Center for Democracy & Technology.)

Yet in making this argument, Verrilli has shown his utter lack of understanding of our social compact. Our Declaration of Independence and our Constitution are designed to carry out exactly that prior restraint, because ultimately government cannot be trusted to restrain itself. This is what John Adams was talking about when he wrote to his wife

Liberty, once lost, is lost forever.

“Not Private, Not Protected”

A brief comment, just for clarification; although the point being clarified isn’t trivial.

Colorado has a bill wending its way through the state legislature that would tighten restrictions on government access to an individual’s private information. The bill would refer

a question to voters in November asking whether law enforcement should get warrants to search electronic data, such as phone and email records, or personal data stored in a cloud. If approved by lawmakers and voters, the requirement would be added to the state constitution.

Senate President Morgan Carroll (D), who supports the bill/amendment had this to say about the matter:

I think a lot of people weren’t necessarily aware of how much their information may actually be not private, not protected.

No. Carroll’s heart is in the right place, but he misunderstands the crucial thing. Private and protected are not the same thing. It’s often (usually) necessary to protect private things, like our electronic data, but a lack of protection in no way eliminates the essential privacy of the thing. To give up privacy, a separate act is necessary: the thing must explicitly and affirmatively be placed into a public venue.

Even the act of explicitly and affirmatively placing the thing into the hands of a third party does not cancel the essential privacy of the thing: we expect that third party to take sufficient measures to protect, not just the thing itself, but its privacy also.

The New Racism

Shanta Driver, who argued Schuette v BAMN before the Supreme Court and lost, 6-2, is protesting her loss:

This is a racist decision that takes us back to an era of state’s rights. This decision cannot stand.

Yeah. The 10th Amendment can’t be allowed to stand. It must be struck, and never mind that Article V bit; that’s just in the way.

Oh, and never mind that the outcome of the Supremes’ ruling was to uphold a decision by the citizens of Michigan to codify in their constitution the concept that race (or gender, ethnicity, or national origin) cannot be used as a criterion for selection for admission to college.

Because to be color-blind, to not use race as a mechanism for preferential treatment, is racist. The new racism.

A Museum Kerfuffle

A bunch of self-important clergy are all in a tizzy because of a 7-minute film, “The Rise of al Qaeda,” planned for the opening of the National September 11 Memorial Museum. Sheik Mostafa Elazabawy, the Imam of Masjid Manhattan wrote to the NS11MM director,

The screening of this film in its present state would greatly offend our local Muslim believers as well as any foreign Muslim visitor to the museum.

Unsophisticated visitors who do not understand the difference between Al Qaeda and Muslims may come away with a prejudiced view of Islam, leading to antagonism and even confrontation toward Muslim believers near the site.

Unsophisticated. Because Americans are just too stupid to form the “correct” conclusions without the instruction of our betters.

And that difference between al Qaeda and Muslims about which the imam worries so? There surely are differences, but we wouldn’t know that from the words of any mullahs or imams identifying them, or from their decrying al Qaeda or other jihadists conducting terrorism in the name of Islam.  Their silence has been as loud as the roar of the fires in the Twin Towers and the Pentagon.  No, we had to figure out those differences all by ourselves.  And we did.  Go figure.

Professor Akbar Ahmed, Chairman of Islamic Studies at American University, added this bit of contempt for Americans:

[W]hen you associate their [al Qaeda’s] religion with what they did, then you are automatically including, by association, one and a half billion people who had nothing to do with these actions….

You might, because you don’t think about what you’re doing; you only project your own failings onto others, as this example illustrates. I don’t at all make such associations, and neither do the folks I know. We think more clearly than that.

The museum plans to proceed with the showing, and that’s all to the good.