The Future of American Youth?

In France, we’re seeing the impact on the nation’s youth of their government-managed economy, magnified by the union-driven difficulty (near impossibility, actually) of getting rid of extraneous labor (or even bad workers).  Spiegel Online International offers some insight.

Kafui Affram doesn’t feel at home in either environment, not in the suburb where the 22-year-old still lives in his childhood room in his parents’ little house [or in Paris, his suburb’s parent city].

Still living with his parents.  Just like America’s youth, especially in the Age of Obamacare.

Some 23 percent of the country’s 18- to 24-year-olds live in poverty, according to a study by the National Institute for Youth and Community Education (INJEP).

The poverty rate for America’s youth as recently as 2009 was 20%.  It’s not going to improve any time soon; the unemployment rate for America’s youth was 17.1% in July 2012, at the height of the summer season for employing our youth, and the unemployment rate for their parents has been hovering around 10% for the last four years after factoring in the effect of our shrinking labor participation rate.  Then,

Youth unemployment in France has been high for some time, but it has now climbed to 26%.  For decades, regardless of their political affiliation, lawmakers have been promising to create a better situation for young people.  But exactly the opposite has happened.  Labor laws protect those who already enjoy steady jobs, while the economic crisis and recession have limited the number of new jobs created.

On Socialist President François Hollande and his program for creating of “future jobs,” Affram says,

We’re used to politicians constantly coming up with new ideas.

Yeah, we’ve heard that, too, and from the same sort of source.  With the same degree of confidence that Affram has:

I know I should be optimistic and have goals, but it’s mostly all just bleak.

Exercise

We Americans don’t get enough.  So here’s one to help us do better in our modern, digital world.  Disclaimer: You might want to take it easy on this one at first, then do it faster as you become more proficient.  It may be too strenuous for some.

Always consult your doctor before starting any exercise program.  OK, here we go:

SCROLL DOWN…

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

NOW SCROLL UP…

That’s enough for the first day. Have some chocolate.

Misguided Conceptions

Another example is “conservative” complaints that, with Obamacare here to stay (misconception number one; although its repeal has gotten harder), the states perforce must set up state health insurance exchanges, rather than leaving that to the Federal government.  One example is from Douglas Holtz-Eakin, Congressional Budget Office Director under President Bush the Younger, who has

repeatedly warned GOP officials that they will be “outfoxed and overrun” if they leave the exchanges to Obama administration officials.

He warned that the administration could impose too many regulations, ultimately ruining the exchanges and opening the door to a “Washington takeover of health care.”  He added, “If conservatives allow it to happen, they will be consenting to an unprecedented and potentially irreversible intrusion into states’ economies and health-care systems.”

Holtz-Eakin misunderstands, though.  With the Feds retaining the rules by which the exchanges will be allowed to operate—including what coverages must be offered and the rate bands within which they must be offered—and declining to discuss costs, a “Washington takeover of health care” is already in progress.  State-run exchanges, whose function is controlled by the Federal govenrment already represent “an unprecedented and potentially irreversible intrusion into states’ economies and health-care systems.”  That’s the primary misconception in this context: that the states have any useful control over “state-run” exchanges.

Moreover, any Federal funds allocated to state-run exchanges will be on the one hand, by design inadequate to cover the total cost of the exchanges and on the other hand are easily withheld or cancelled outright, leaving the whole of the expense to the states’ citizens to cover.  But this risk simply draws the states further into dependency on the Federal government.

The upshot is that these exchanges contribute to placing the states into the same relationship to the central government as counties are relative to their states: “merely as districts to facilitate the purposes of domestic order and good government,” in John Jay’s words.

The states are right to decline to share the costs, and they are right to decline voluntarily to participate in the continued derogation of their position vis-à-vis the Federal government.

Cynical Refusal to Negotiate

Fox News has this example from the Progressives in Congress.  House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D, CA) is refusing even to discuss the possibility of raising the initial eligibility age of Medicare, and Senator Dick Durbin (D, IL) echoes her no-negotiate position.

Raising the Medicare age represents more of the same.  For seniors nearing retirement, it means less security for themselves and their families.  It betrays the bedrock promise of Medicare: that Americans who work hard and take responsibility all their lives can know dignity in their later years.

Yet how can Americans know dignity in our later years?  An overweening government forces us onto the largesse of strangers for, in the present case, our health concerns, and it denies us our ability to set aside those funds for our own future welfare thereby denying us our ability to satisfy our duty to see to our own welfare to the maximum extent possible?  We are denied our dignity by an intrusive government, led by Progressives who refuse to negotiate reform.

Some Thoughts on Spending, the Debt Ceiling, and Taxes

I’ve written about this in my books (see the side bar); here are some of my thoughts.  Of course, to achieve this, we’ll need significant majorities of conservatives in the House and Senate, and we’ll need a conservative President.

Enact legislation requiring Federal spending averaged over a five year period to not exceed Federal revenues, except in time of national emergency.  Further, that five year period must be a sliding five years: the oldest year is dropped from the computation, and the latest year added to that computation.  This will allow spending to exceed revenues for short periods to allow for the vagaries in the timing of revenue vs. obligations that are inevitable, while requiring spending to be reined in so as to keep this short term borrowing from growing.

If the President declares a national emergency, and the Speaker of the House and the Senate Majority Leader concur, debt can be accumulated for the purpose of dealing with the emergency.  If the emergency is a declared war, then that emergency will automatically expire one year after the end of that war.  If the emergency is from another cause, then the emergency will automatically expire after one year, unless the President renews his declaration and a majority of each house of Congress concurs.  Once the emergency has expired, then each year’s spending must be held below each year’s revenues until the emergency-driven debt has been repaid entirely.

There will be a huge hue and cry over this, of course.  It’s impractical.  It ignores big ticket items.  It overly constrains spending by the government.  It’s too hard to do politically.  And so on; there will always be excuses not to make the change.  The truth is, it’s only impractical because politicians make it so.  Instead of taking action, most of our current politicians push party politics, want to trade favors, need to pay back the interest groups who made their elections fiscally possible.

Congressman Emanuel Cleaver (D, MO), chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, tweeted after the conclusion of the summer of 2011 debt limit rise negotiations, “Democrats got nothing in this deal, and if we did, someone please show it to me.”  However, this isn’t about the Democratic or Republican Party.  It isn’t about which party gets more or less than the other.  It’s about whether the nation wins or loses, and what’s good for the United States isn’t a mindless zero-sum game.

The big-ticket items—defense and other—can, and should, be budgeted for in advance.  Absent an outright emergency, these large expenditures are not surprises.  Although military spending is constitutionally constrained to two-year periods, the President submits a budget every year, and the Congress handles budget creation and passage every year (or is required to by law; the Senate has failed that obligation for the past three years).  When budgeting is taken seriously, as every family and business takes it, the long-term, expensive items can be planned in advance, and an expenditure schema that covers those big ticket expenses can be worked out in advance to keep overall spending within the limits just described.  Notice that this can include specific long-term borrowing for specific big-ticket items.  Most families are capable of budgeting for the acquisition of a 30-year home mortgage.  Our government can budget, also, for a defense system and the repair and upgrade of the nation’s electricity grid (as one example of an expensive, infrastructure investment).

As to the constraints on government spending, that’s the point.  Congressman Mike Doyle (D, PA) is reported as saying in a meeting with Vice President Joe Biden just prior to the August 2011 House vote on the bill that codified the negotiations that Congressman Cleaver so plaintively decried, “We have negotiated with terrorists.  This small group of terrorists have made it impossible to spend any money.”  But it isn’t about the government’s “right” to spend our money.  Leaving aside the dishonest slur on a group of Americans whose only “crime” is daring to disagree with this Progressive mentality, this attitude of a government entitlement to spend is exactly why government spending needs to be tightly constrained; the only terrorism involved here consists of the exploding deficits and national debt.

Related to this, the following legislation regarding Federal borrowing is necessary.  Total US Federal debt must be limited to 20% of GDP, absent a declared national emergency.  Current Federal debt already pushes 100% of GDP; we have a long way to go.  The legislation must also include a requirement that revenue surpluses go toward paying down the debt and then toward reducing tax rates in subsequent years.  Why 20%?  That was the upper bound of the range of Federal debt in the 1920s, before Progressive policies exploded that debt from the 1930s on.  Some will decry having a debt limit, though.  It’s too constraining, they’ll complain.  Consider this: we’ve had no debt limit for the last 80 years, except in name: the debt “limit” has been routinely raised for the asking until 2011.  As a lady once asked not so long ago, “How’s that working out?”

Finally, the tax rates must be frozen at the “Bush tax cut” level, until the debt is paid down to the required level.

Watch the economy burgeon, and GDP rise to meet the falling debt.