Rights Upheld

Last fall, I posted about a right-to-privacy case that involved police planting a GPS tracker in a suspect’s car without court sanction.  To briefly recap,  police wished to track the comings and goings of a suspected drug trafficker, so they obtained a search warrant for planting a GPS tracker on the suspect’s car.  In execution, though, the police had let the warrant expire before they acted on it, and then they planted the tracker outside the warrant’s jurisdiction.

The government argued that attaching the tracker to a car’s underside was too trivial a violation of property rights to matter, and further that no one who drove on public streets could expect his movements to go unmonitored.  Of course it was exactly this sort of cynical arrogance that contributed to our Founders’ writing into our Bill of Rights a requirement for the government to show cause to and get permission from a court before that government could invade and search an individual or his property.  Indeed, many of the government’s men understood this today; albeit they were breathtakingly careless in the execution: police had, in fact, obtained a warrant to attach the tracker, but within the District of Columbia.  However, they then installed the device after the warrant had expired and while the car was parked in Maryland.

Today, reports The Wall Street Journal, the Supreme Court handed down its ruling.  In a unanimous opinion, the Court said that police must obtain a warrant before attaching a GPS tracker to a suspect’s vehicle—the Founders’ view, and American rights, were vindicated and upheld.

Still, the Court split in its opinion.  Justice Antonin Scalia, in the five-Justice majority opinion, held that the 18th century concept of “persons, houses, papers, and effects” included such private properties as 21st century automobiles in the 4th Amendment protection against unreasonable searches (and seizures).  Thus, the 4th Amendment is technology-agnostic: our rights appertain to us, not to our property.  But we knew that from our Declaration of Independence.

Justice Samuel Alito went even further, in a dissenting concurring opinion (signed  onto by the likes of Justices Elena Kagan, Ruth Bader Ginsberg, and Stephen Breyer).  Alito held that the warrantless (unwarranted?) GPS tracker implant not only violated the victim’s right of privacy, it violated his  “reasonable expectation of privacy,”  because, as the Court had held as long ago as 1967, “the Fourth Amendment protects people, not places.”

Alito was quite clear in his reasoning, as summarized by the WSJ at the above link:

…a property-based approach was too narrow to guard against the proliferating threats to personal privacy modern technology posed.

In broadening Scalia’s argument, we see that technology agnosticism, again, with regard to our rights and freedoms.

In the end, the original obtaining of a warrant, coupled with the administration’s argument  that the warrantless search was only a trivial violation, demonstrates this administration’s utter cynicism when it comes to the rights and freedoms of Americans—and the continued need for the 4th Amendment to be applied rigorously and zealously.

He Must Be Doing Something Right

According to The Wall Street Journal, our ambassador to the People’s Republic of China thinks the Chinese performance on human rights is in the wane part of a cyclical trend.

Ambassador Gary Locke told television interviewer Charlie Rose in an interview that aired on Monday that China is significantly cracking down on dissent. He said Chinese leaders were afraid they could face uprisings similar to last year’s Arab Spring.

The human-rights climate “has always ebbed and flowed in China, up and down, but we seem to be in a down period and it’s getting worse.”

Some of the renewing trends that prompted Locke’s comments include these:

[F]ollowing anonymous online calls for an Arab World-style Jasmine Revolution in China, security forces detained or confined to their homes dozens of lawyers, artists, writers and other political activists.

and

Religious followers, particularly Tibetan Buddhists, Muslims and Christians who worship in unauthorized churches, have also been targeted….

The Chinese reacted badly to this, which tells me that Ambassador Locke isn’t far wrong.  China’s Foreign Ministry spokesman, Liu Weimin, disputed Locke’s assertion, saying in part,

Some people always take viewpoints of the minority in China as the mainstream public opinion, and I think this is entirely wrong.  If it is this way, should we take the views of those in the Occupy Wall Street movement as society’s mainstream public point of view?

As an aside, I wonder why he didn’t single out the Tea Party movement.  Maybe he understands something that our Democrats don’t….

Recess Appointments and Trust

President Obama has, in the past, criticized President Bush’s alleged tendency to push Constitutional limits in seeking to expand Executive Branch power.

Now we come to some “recess” appointments, made because Republicans allegedly were blocking Senate confirmation.  Michael McConnell, writing for Advancing a Free Society, offers some insight.

First, the present set of appointments (to the CFPB and to the NLRB) were made while the Senate was in session through a series of pro forma, short sessions, ostensibly for the purpose of blocking recess appointments.  The use of pro forma sessions for this purpose was a tactic devised in 2007 by Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D, NV) and then-Senator Barack Obama (D, IL) specifically to prevent Bush from making recess appointments.

Second, ex-University of Chicago Constitutional Law Professor Barack Obama appears to have acted without legal advice other than his own: even his own Office of Legal Counsel, the body intended to advise presidents ahead of time on the legality of an action (and note that this is advice; OLC opinions are not law and are not binding), didn’t issue their opinion justifying Obama’s appointments until two days after the appointments had been made.  McConnell is more generous than I, suggesting that “presumably it reflects the advice given to the President in advance.”  I have my doubts.

Third, there are a number of legal arguments that suggest that Obama’s appointments are, in fact, unconstitutional, all centering on the fact that, as Reid and Senator Obama understood in 2007, the Senate actually has to be in recess before recess appointments can be made.  McConnell offers the following.

Obama and his pet OLC insist that since the Senate had announced an intention of conducting no business during its pro forma sessions, it was, in fact in recess.  Never mind that Obama signed into law at least two pieces of legislation that had been passed during those sessions, including the infamous payroll tax reduction extension.  This is old news.  McConnell offers new insight, though:

It is hard to see why the Senate’s stated intention not to do business takes legal and constitutional precedence over its manifest ability to do so.

McConnell goes on:

[T]he Opinion creates an implausible distinction between the legal efficacy of pro forma sessions for various constitutional purposes. According to the Opinion, a pro forma session is not sufficient to interrupt a recess for purposes of the Recess Appointments Clause, but it is sufficient to satisfy the constitutional command that neither branch adjourn for more than three days without the consent of the other  and that Congress convene on January 3 unless a law has provided for a different day…. Why a pro forma session would count for some purposes and not others is a mystery.

And there are other, longer-standing demonstrations of the illegitimacy of these appointments.  For one thing, the NLRB “nominees” hadn’t even been proposed to the Senate until two days prior to their previously announced, well publicized, ordinary holiday break, which the Senate then voluntarily gave up in order to remain in (pro forma) session.  The only one who was blocking Senate confirmation here was the President.

Also, we get the strange concept that the President can decide for himself when the Senate (or, by extension, the Congress) is in session, the Senate (or the Congress) not being competent to make that determination for itself.  Certainly, the President can adjourn both houses when they cannot agree between themselves on adjournment and ask him for help.  Certainly, the President can call the Congress into session to deal with emergencies.  Deciding that they actually have convened—or not—seems a bit of an expansion of Executive Branch power.

Where’s the love?  Where’s the trust?  Hmm….

Some Thoughts on Freedom and Income

I guess today is my day for pretending to think.

Progressives have been trying to score political points by bellyaching about income inequality and pretending there’s something to this.  A couple of graphs from the Fraser Institute’s Free the World project bear on this.  The graphs below, in particular, are from their report for the year 2008; their latest report, dated 2011, covers the year 2009, and it’s not materially different vis-à-vis the poor.  Emphasis added, and kindly excuse the poor formatting.

The Institute’s reports also rank the world’s nations along various dimensions of economic freedom; there is a significant degradation in our freedoms and rankings between 2008 and 2009, as I’ll mention at the end.

Exhibit 1.8: Economic Freedom and the Income Share of the Poorest 10%

The share of income earned by the poorest 10% of the population is unrelated to economic freedom.

Sources: Fraser Institute, Economic

Freedom of the World: 2010 Annual Report;

World Bank, World Development Indicators.

Now let’s look at another aspect of the poor’s situation.

Exhibit 1.9: Economic Freedom and the Income Level of the Poorest 10%

The amount, as opposed to the share, of income earned by the poorest 10% of the population is much higher in countries with greater economic freedom.

Sources: Fraser Institute, Economic

Freedom of the World: 2010 Annual Report;

World Bank, World Development Indicators.

This is dramatic.  While the poor’s share of the wealth is independent of the degree of freedom in the country in which they live, their wealth in absolute terms is enormously greater, and it gets more so as the degree of freedom increases.  The poor of a free nation are far better off than the poor of a tyranny.  Of course this is not reason to disregard the relative plight of the poor in any nation.  Certainly, after (and only after) private and local community aid efforts for the needy (who are, in fact, only a subset of the poor) have been exhausted, an argument exists for aid at the state level (now speaking for the United States alone), to be followed—only as a last resort—by  Federal assistance to state-tailored and -run work-for-assistance programs for the few remaining that need assistance.

One more thing: where the US sits on the freedom scale is instructive.

The following small table is excerpted from Exhibit 1.5 from the same report as the graphs above.  The year is the year for which the rating is valid; the ratings themselves are on a scale from 1-10, with 10 being most free.  For context, the US is rated as 6th most free in the world, overall, with Hong Kong the freest and Chile ranked number 5.

Year        1970  1975  1980  1985  1990  1995    2000    2001    2002   2003   2004  2005  2006  2007  2008

US          7.74    7.83    8.03    8.18   8.43   8.32    8.45     8.23     8.22    8.17     8.15   8.07    8.01    8.08   7.93

Hong Kong 8.99   8.85   9.21   8.81   8.76   9.11    8.82     8.76     8.76    8.81     8.75   8.94    8.95    9.00   9.02

Chile      4.31   3.93    5.56    6.18    7.02   7.47    7.28     7.47     7.59    7.75     7.67   7.94    7.97    8.08   7.99

Notice the freedom trend for the US.  We were at our freest in 2000, then the Federal government began increasing the degree of regulation it forced onto our economy—both business and individual.  Yes, the Progressive rap on the Bush years is that he deregulated, and did too much of it.  But on this, as with so many things, the Progressives are wrong.  By 2008, the US only ranked 26th in our freedom to trade internationally and our business regulatory controls.  Appallingly, our credit market regulatory regime ranked only 103rd.  (As an aside, despite Congressman Ron Paul’s concern about the soundness of our money, as of 2008, we ranked number 2, with Japan at number 1.  Of course a lot has changed since 2008: in 2009, our rank fell to 11.)

And the degree of regulatory control has exploded under the Obama administration.  This has driven our ranking in overall regulatory freedom from 17th in 2008 down to 27th just in Obama’s first year, 2009 (we were 2nd in 2000).  Associated with this, the per centage of Americans living below the Federal poverty level has grown to historic highs these last three years.