Failure of the Euro—a False Fear from Moral Hazard

“The euro is in trouble and only Germany can fix it.”  That’s the meme—and the fear—described in a recent Spiegel Online piece.

Much of the euro zone and EU “leadership” is pushing for a “bank union,” a “debt repayment fund,” a communalization of (southern Europe) debt across Europe in the form of euro bonds.  Without one or more of these, goes the plaint, there is no way to stop the debt crisis.

But these worthies make no coherent case for why the taxpayers of one country should be held liable for the debts of other countries’ governments—or of other countries’ private institutions.  Indeed, this amortization across the sound and responsible can only damage, if not break, the sound and responsible economies and create an enormous moral hazard by indemnifying the irresponsible from the consequences of their profligacy.  This indemnification can only encourage yet more of the same.

Subsidizing anything only produces more of that thing, without making it any more accessible to the originally targeted population, and the schemes above only subsidize borrowing.  This is the way to prolong the debt crisis, it is not a solution to it.  These proposals do not even pretend to an imposition of fiscal discipline, either from within the fiscally irresponsible nations themselves or from without by the sound nations withholding further lending.  The courses proposed will only have the effect of punishing the sound for their soundness and they will reduce those sound nations’ own willingness (much less their ability) to maintain their own fiscal responsibility.

If euro bonds were introduced, goes one claim, countries like Italy and Portugal could take on large amounts of new debt without having to fear effective monitoring of their government spending.  Yet this is an aspect of moral hazard.  Jens Weidmann, President of the Deutche Bundesbank, the German central bank, points out that if debts were shared, “liability and control would have to be in conformity with one another.”  Indeed.  But if such unity were achieved, the empirical evidence demonstrates that it would be by loosening the discipline of the responsible countries, the direct opposite of the needed outcome.  The profligate borrowers, bailouts in hand, will have no incentive to mend their own ways, to seek discipline.

Italy, for instance, has a debt-to-GDP ratio of 120 percent. The proposed courses of action would mean that Rome could transfer a significant fraction of its debt to a shared euro debt fund, for instance.  The Italians thus would have even less incentive to introduce necessary structural reforms.   There’s that moral hazard.

For all this, Sabine Lautenschläger, Vice President of the Deutche Bundesbank, points out that when there is a crisis in a national banking system, “it may be necessary to use the money of taxpayers in other countries.”  This is moral hazard carried to the point of naked freeloading.  “I exist, and you have money.  Therefore, you owe me.”

The matter is emphasized by the current bailout of Spanish banks, long resisted by Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, and the market’s recognition of the failure of such a thing: following news of the loaning of €100 billion ($126 billion) to Spain’s larger banks, the financial markets pushed Spanish borrowing costs to recent year record levels.  And of course the markets reacted badly: they correctly recognized this as simply adding debt to a debtor who has said he’s unable to repay existing debt.  Rajoy was correct to resist the bailout for as long as he did, and he was wrong finally to accept it.  He has only increased the danger to Spain.

That’s the moral hazard; now we get the Chicken Little act: “senior officials” in Berlin are openly discussing the possibility that the euro could fall apart, and Christine Lagarde, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund, insists with a straight face that there remain only “three months” to save the euro.  A senior euro-zone diplomat in Brussels bleats, “If Germany doesn’t make a move, Europe is dead.”

There’s more: Germany already has billions of euros invested in preserving the currency zone says Spiegel.  And so they must pony up yet more, or lose the sunk investment.  This, though, is the amateur investor’s error: being married to a failed position.  Insisting on holding to that failure, even adding money to it, in the hope that the investment will, eventually, finally, turn around and the losses be recouped is a fool’s hope.  In reality, the losses continue to mount as the failure deepens, and the final bankruptcy is that much more expensive, because the amateur investor will have lost that much more.  The best move for a failed investment is to cut the losses by terminating the investment, painful as that may be.  So it is with the nations’ sovereign debt.  Cut the losses.  They’ve already demonstrated they cannot repay—adding to their debt burden only makes their inevitable bankruptcy that much more disastrous.

Yet the fear of dissolution is both unfounded and misdirected.  After the inhomogeneity of social, political, money purpose imperatives of the euro zone nations, the next greatest risk to the euro is this moral hazard.  Eliminating the moral hazard would strengthen the EU and the euro zone, not destroy it.  Let the bankrupt go bankrupt, stop propping them up with more debt funded with OPM.  Fiscal discipline—as the northern European countries, especially Germany, have demonstrated—is the road back, to the extent there is one, with that inhomogeneity barrier in the way.

Indeed, that inhomogeneity demonstrates another aspect of the crisis.  Each PIIGS’ problem and situation is unique, beyond the general theme of irresponsible spending and borrowing.  Each solution must be unique, beyond the general theme of no bailouts from outside.

As Churchill once said, these folks are killing the wrong pig.

But It’s the Wrong Problem

Ron Williams, a former Chairman and CEO of Aetna Inc, in a recent Wall Street Journal op-ed, described his evolution toward opposition of Obamacare’s Individual Mandate, which he had supported initially.  He then offered a couple of alternatives to the Individual Mandate; however his alternative solutions are as erroneous as the Individual Mandate is an overreach of Federal government power.  The reason for his error is that he’s pursuing the wrong problem.

Williams says

As a society, we have a moral obligation to ensure everyone has access to affordable health care.  We must find a way to cover those who are no longer healthy but need care.

No.  There is a difference between health care and health insurance; the two are conflated far too often—sometimes cynically and deliberately, sometimes out of genuine ignorance, and sometimes just out of careless thought.  People who are no longer healthy do not need health insurance; they need health care.  We must find a way to help them to get that care.  Moreover, this social obligation is not at all a government obligation, or even a legitimate government task.  Society is not our government—it is us.

When government butts out of our affairs, when it leaves our money in our hands, it becomes a lot easier for us as individuals to see to our obligations ourselves, and in our own way.  Then we can do more of what we need to do—directly, or through our local communities, or through our churches and private charities, or some combination of these.  Government legitimately comes into play only as a last resort, not the first resort—or only resort, as some would have it—and the Federal government must be last among these.  New York’s tax funds, to the extent they’re involved at all, should go first to New York’s poor, not first into a general national pile from which, for instance, Illinois or California might draw ad lib.

On top of that, competitively sold health insurances policies, sold nationwide rather than within 50 different state jurisdictions, would be a powerful market solution that would potentiate our ability as a society to act on this imperative.

Whither Responsibility?

The financial crisis threatening the Spanish government deepened Thursday as its borrowing costs hit a new euro-era high, touching levels that previously forced other euro-zone countries to seek sovereign debt bailouts.

So writes Jonathan House in a recent Wall Street Journal article.  Emese Bartha echoed the sentiments in her own WSJ article.

The Italian government’s borrowing costs soared at a bond auction Thursday, a development that will make it more difficult for Prime Minister Mario Monti to avoid having to seek financial help from other euro-zone members.

And just what are these nose-bleed borrowing costs that send whole nations scurrying for OPM?  They’re in the range of 6.0%-7.5% interest rates.  The Spanish 10-year bond, for instance, now runs for 6.96%, “a new euro-era record,” while the Italian 10-year bond goes for 6.23%.

What were the interest rates in another one-among-twenty or so nations (which august club includes these nations of the EU), the US at  the end of the Carter/beginning of the Reagan era?  In 1980, the US 10-year bond rate peaked at 12.84%; in 1981, it got as high as 15.32%.  Our 10-year bond rates had been above 6.96% since early 1974, and they didn’t fall below that level again until mid-1992.

Who bailed us out when we had such trouble?  We did.  We handled our own problems.

But there was a sense of responsibility in those days.  Today, it’s all OPM, and that’s a bottomless piggy bank from which every nation should be able to draw.

America’s Debt

Deloitte & Touche, through their Deloitte University Press, have published a study called The untold story of America’s debt.  The pamphlet describes the dire straits in which we find ourselves through our exploding national debt; their high points from their opening summary are quoted below.

  • The debt crisis is likely bigger than you think: Current baseline projections make a host of optimistic assumptions [used by the CBO] that very well may not come to pass, that the Bush tax cuts will expire and the cuts to Medicare are allowed to go through. If any of these are reversed by Congress, the debt becomes much larger. Further, current debt levels are significantly higher when the government’s unfunded commitments, particularly around Medicare, are taken into account.
  • The magnitude of the debt is highly sensi­tive to economic fluctuations: America’s reliance on short-term debt makes it highly vulnerable to interest rate fluctuations. If rates return to historical levels, this would significantly increase interest payments on U.S. debt. If GDP fails to match expected growth levels it would further drive up the debt.
  • The debt could adversely impact American competitiveness: The U.S. is on track to spend at least $4.2 trillion in interest payments over the next decade, a significant amount of money that will be diverted from investments that could other­wise boost America’s competitiveness.
  • The rising debt could impact the inde­pendence of monetary policy: As interest payments on U.S. debt consume a growing share of the national budget, the pressure will increase for Congress and the executive branch to apply political pressure on the Federal Reserve in hopes of realizing pre­ferred fiscal policy outcomes.
  • The demand for and composition of America’s debt isn’t just America’s deci­sion: Foreign lenders own nearly half of publicly held U.S. debt. It is assumed that such debt holders have insatiable appetites for U.S treasuries. Should lenders stop buy­ing treasuries and invest their money else­where, this would force abrupt, and painful, changes in government spending.

They make a couple of additional points, also:

[I]f the Federal Reserve was forced to unexpectedly raise interest rates by 3 percent in 2016 (as occurred in 1981, 1994, and 2004), the total impact would shortly be in excess of $200 billion in additional costs to the U.S. treasury, or more than the annual costs of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan combined at their peak in 2008.

Who among you out there in readerland think it unlikely, against the present backdrop of near-zero Fed interest rates, that the Fed won’t raise/be forced to raise rates to 3% (which still would be below our historic interest rate levels)?  I didn’t think so.

And they offer this table, concerning the sensitivity of our debt size to the underlying assumptions made by the CBO:

Category

Current CBO Target

Realistic Alternative

Increased 10- year deficits

Nominal Annual GDP Growth 4.7% 3.7% ~ $3T
10-Year Treasury Note Interest Rates 4.2% 5.8% ~ $2T
Continuation of Hard Cuts/Taxes Current law is enacted Current policy (extending Bush tax cuts, suspending Medicare cuts) continues unabated ~ $6T

Impacts of altering CBO assumptions

And this:

When the government runs large deficits, it competes for funds that could be invested in the private sector.  Higher costs for capital and limited access to investment will impact the borrowing costs of companies as well.   As Harvard Business School professors Richard H.K. Vietor and Matthew Weinziert write, “…If the cost of bor­rowing rises for the US government, it will rise for private-sector borrowers as well.

And a hint of the impact of interest payments on our fiscal capacity, from the Italian example:

[F]or every percent increase in the interest rate, 1.2 percent more of Italy’s GDP is diverted to paying interest on the national debt.

Notice that: GDP is diverted to service the debt rather than committed to productive activity.  And it’s diverted in greater amounts than the simple increase in debt.

Unfortunately, the present administration has shown itself wholly incapable of addressing this threat, as it has demonstrated throughout these last three years, and as President Obama demonstrated again in his hour-long reading last Thursday.

Deloitte & Touche’s full report can be found here.

 

h/t Power Line

Progressives, Unions, and Taxpayers

James Sherk and Todd Zywicki described, in a recent Wall Street Journal op-ed, a rather shocking and blatant sweetheart deal between this administration’s Progressives and the United Auto Workers, at the expense of two car companies’ other unsecured creditors and us taxpayers.  I’ll just summarize the numbers; RTWT.

The UAW were unsecured creditors of GM and Chrysler via the UAW’s Voluntary Employee Beneficiary Association: the two companies owed VEBA $20.6 billion and $8 billion, respectively, stemming from why VEBA was created—to transfer to the union responsibility for its pension fund.  Other unsecured creditors also were owed some $29 billion by these two companies.  Under bankruptcy law, these two sets of creditors would have received equal shares of the bankrupts’ assets in situations where the assets were insufficient to make everyone whole.  But under the Obama bailout, the UAW’s VEBA got 17.5% of the new GM and $9 billion in preferred stock and debt obligations, while the other creditors got 10% of the new GM and warrants to purchase 15% more in preferred stock.  At today’s stock prices, that’s over $12 billion more than the other creditors got.  With Chrysler, the imbalance was even greater: Chrysler’s non-union unsecured creditors were completely shut out—they got nada while the union got half the company and billions of dollars in a 9% promissory note.  So much for equal treatment.

It gets “better.”  Bankruptcy law allows bankrupts to improve their post-bankruptcy competitiveness by renegotiating union contracts to competitive rates.  The Obama bailout didn’t allow this.  New hires will come in, for now, at reduced wages, but the existing union employees retain their old highest-in-the-industry wages—higher by $9 an hour than their nearest competitor.

One outcome of this sweetheart deal is that, together with a little understood decision by GM to throw $1 billion at another company’s (Delphi) pension obligations, Sherk and Zywicki estimate the bailout cost was

increased…by $26.5 billion.

and

The Treasury expects the auto bailout to ultimately cost taxpayers $23 billion.  The funds diverted to the UAW account for the taxpayers’ entire net loss.

Hmm….