The Recovery that Isn’t

In a recent piece in The Wall Street Journal about post-Panic borrowing increases, James Sterngold and Matt Wirz had an interesting graphic showing the evolution of the US economy from just prior to that Panic to today.  Excerpted below is the part of that graphic indicating the jobs market evolution.

The graph is hard to read; here are some highlights:

  • More than 21 million Americans wanting a job at the 2010 peak, over 18 million still in that strait today.
  • Just under 16 million Americans out of work for at least 27 weeks (over 6 months), still nearly 12 million in that strait today.
  • Dropping out of the market due to discouragement in finding work—of any sort—peaking at over 1 million per year and still nearly that today.
  • Labor force participation rate near a 35 year low.

And there’s this, which takes a longer look at that last bullet:

Notice that bit on the right: after the Panic’s official end, participation rate continued to plummet.

As the WSJ points out,

If the participation rate merely returned to what it was at the end of the recession, nearly four million more Americans would be collecting a paycheck.

Had our recovery progressed as a normal one does, we’d be here:

A normal recovery coming out of a downturn as deep and steep as the Panic of 2009 typically sees growth rates of 5%-6% per year, or more.  This Obama recovery has been 6.7% over the entirety of his term in office—nearly five years.  Had we seen a normal recovery (and using a pessimistic 5%/year growth rate), we would have reached today’s unemployment rate after a bit over one year—late 2010—and we would have been back to full employment (in the range of 4.8%-5.5%) in just under 2 years—two years ago.

Had our recovery progressed as President Barack Obama promised it would when he was stumping for and signing the massive 2009 Stimulus Bill, we’d be here:

He promised in 2009 a 5.5% unemployment rate by a couple of years ago.  How many new jobs would have been created had we actually reached his promised number?  In December 2009 (some six months after the nominal end of the Panic of 2009), the civilian labor force was 153 million, of which 137.8 million Americans were employed, a 10% unemployment rate, according to BLS statistics, and using round numbers.

In August 2013, again using BLS numbers, the civilian labor force was larger, at 155.5 million (and it had a smaller participation rate than in 2009, but we’ll gloss over that for now).  There were some 144.2 million Americans actually employed.

However, a 5.5% unemployment rate corresponds, if my 1st grade arithmetic serves me well, to 94.5% of the civilian labor force actually employed: 146.5 million Americans.  Again consulting my 1st grade arithmetic book, there are some 2.3 million Americans that should be employed but aren’t—because Obama’s proudly proclaimed policies have come up short, and we aren’t anywhere near 5.5% unemployment.

Finally, there’s this:

Current population: 313.9 million
Current civilian labor force: 155.5 million
Current labor force participation rate: 63.2
Current unemployment rate: 7.3%
Employed Americans: 144.2 million
Unemployed Americans: 11.3 million of those looking for work

2007 population: 301.1 million
2007 civilian labor force (last full year before the Panic): 153.1 million
2007 labor force participation rate: 65.8%
2007 unemployment rate: 4.6%
2007 Employed Americans: 146 million
2007 unemployed Americans: 7.1 million

Over the last six years, our population grew by 4.3%; our labor force population grew less than that, at 1.6%; our employed population shrank by 1.2%; and our unemployed population grew, a lot.  We’re not even keeping up.

Yet despite these obvious failures of Progressive policies, Obama and his Senate counterparts threaten to shut down our government and blow up our national credit rating and with it our economy, if he’s not allowed to have more spending increases, yet higher taxes, and a yet higher debt ceiling so he can borrow to pay for his spending (because he knows higher taxes won’t cover it; he just wants the higher taxes because…well, just because).

Obamacare and Taxes

Casey Mulligan has looked into this in a paper he has at the National Bureau of Economic Research titled “Average Marginal Labor Income Tax Rates under the Affordable Care Act“.  The full paper can be had through the NBER for five bucks.

Mulligan summarizes his paper here, on his blog supply and demand (in that order).

My summary of Mulligan’s summary is his comparison of Obamacare’s impact on our marginal tax rates with the impact of a couple of other programs and his comment on the impact of Obamacare on our take home pay—the part of our paychecks we actually get to use for our own purposes.

Several SNAP (formerly food stamp program) expansions in combination were a quarter of the ACA’s magnitude.  In terms of its impact on average marginal tax rates, the ACA hike is almost double the effect of permanently increasing unemployment benefit payments to 99 weeks from a baseline of 26 weeks[.]

And

[Obamacare] has not been introduced into a tax-free economy, so its marginal tax rate hikes add to marginal tax rates already in effect.  I estimate that, by 2015, the average marginal after-tax share among household heads and spouses with near-median weekly earnings will have fallen to 0.50 from 0.60 in 2007, largely from the ACA but also from other expansions in safety net programs.  That is a massive 17 percent reduction in the reward to working—akin to erasing a decade of labor productivity growth without the wealth effect….

That is to say, in just two short years—immediately on implementation of Obamacare—our median income wage earner will see his take home pay drop 17%, from 60% of his paycheck (already too small a portion) to a miniscule 50% of his paycheck.  As Mulligan notes, that is an enormous penalty to pay for the opportunity to work for one’s living.

Keep in mind, also, that the median weekly income in the US as recently as 2012 was the princely sum of $775.  This works out to a skosh over $40,000 per year.  It’s hard enough to feed, cloth, and educate a family on three-fifths of that.  Think about trying to do it on only half.

Hypocrisy

Here is a 2008 exchange between Candidate Barack Obama (D) and the Boston Globe concerning the US’ use of force against Iran’s nuclear facilities [emphasis added]:

Globe: In what circumstances, if any, would the president have constitutional authority to bomb Iran without seeking a use-of-force authorization from Congress? (Specifically, what about the strategic bombing of suspected nuclear sites—a situation that does not involve stopping an IMMINENT threat?)

Obama: The President does not have power under the Constitution to unilaterally authorize a military attack in a situation that does not involve stopping an actual or imminent threat to the nation.

As for the specific question about bombing suspected nuclear sites, I recently introduced SJ Res 23, which states in part that “any offensive military action taken by the United States against Iran must be explicitly authorized by Congress.”

In the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing earlier this week concerning US intervention in Syria, Senator Rand Paul (R, KY) offered this amendment to the draft authorization bill being debated:

It is the sense of the Senate that the President does not have the power under the Constitution to unilaterally authorize a military attack in a situation that does not involve stopping an actual or imminent threat to the nation.

Paul’s amendment was voted down 14-4, with all 10 Democrats present voting against.

Apparently, the President does have that power, so long as he’s from the politically correct party.

Who’s Actually Repaying Federal Loans?

Here’s one example.

Under the 2008 Farm Bill, the United States Department of Agriculture is required to buy sugars like refined beet sugar and sell it to ethanol producers if the sugar producers are, in the opinion of the USDA, likely to default on certain Federal loans (this requirement is unchanged by the current Farm Bill modifications wending their way through Congress).

You read that right: the Feds loan sugar producers money, then the Feds buy the producers’ output so the producers can repay the loans.  Federal money—which is to say, our money sent to the Feds as taxes—is loaned to sugar producers in support of an ethanol program that no one wants.  Then, when repaying those loans becomes inconvenient, or even impossible, more of our (tax) money is used to buy the borrowers’ output, providing them with the funds with which to pay up.  The borrowers, courtesy of…Uncle Sugar…use (our) purchase money to pay us back.  We’re screwed two times in one deal.

But wait—there’s more.  In one illustrative case,

[t]he USDA paid about $3.6 million for the sugar, which it purchased from Western Sugar Cooperative, a sugar-beet processor based in Denver, according to a notice posted on the agency’s website Friday.  Front Range Energy LLC, a Windsor, CO-based ethanol maker, paid $900,000 for the sugar, according to the USDA notice.

We’re screwed a third time.

And that’s the purpose:

By buying the sugar, the USDA aims to boost prices to a level where sugar processors will be able to repay $298 million in outstanding federal loans that come due at the end of August and September.

It really is just this barefaced.