A Thought on Taxes

With a tip of the hat to The Wall Street Journal, and a caution to those who insist on raising our taxes—including doing so only to certain governmentally disfavored groups.

Henry Hazlitt in “Economics in One Lesson,” 1946:

When a corporation loses a hundred cents of every dollar it loses, and is permitted to keep only 60 cents of every dollar it gains, and when it cannot offset its years of losses against its years of gains, or cannot do so adequately, its policies are affected. It does not expand its operations, or it expands only those attended with a minimum of risk. . . .

There is a similar effect when personal incomes are taxed 50, 60, 75 and 90 per cent. People begin to ask themselves why they should work six, eight or ten months of the entire year for the government, and only six, four or two months for themselves and their families. If they lose the whole dollar when they lose, but can keep only a dime of it when they win, they decide that it is foolish to take risks with their capital. In addition, the capital available for risk-taking itself shrinks enormously. It is being taxed away before it can be accumulated. In brief, capital to provide new private jobs is first prevented from coming into existence, and the part that does come into existence is then discouraged from starting new enterprises. The government spenders create the very problem of unemployment that they profess to solve.

What he said.

Sound Currency Policy

A Sound Dollar Act was introduced in the House of Representatives last month by the Vice Chairman of the House Joint Economic Committee, Congressman Kevin Brady (R, TX), and a companion bill was offered in the Senate by Senator Mike Lee (R, UT), who sits on, among other committees, the Senate Joint Economic Committee.

This bill has a couple of interesting aspects.  For one thing, it would limit the Federal Reserve Bank system  to a single mandate—to maintain price stability, i.e., control inflation.  It would eliminate the Fed’s current other mandate, that of maintaining full employment.

This simplified requirement would both eliminate the conflict inherent between those two requirements and reduce the government’s involvement in what is essentially a private economy imperative—the decision to expand a business, or not, and to employ more or fewer personnel (with a free market economy’s inherent bias toward more employment stemming from a prior inherent bias in favor of growth).

The bill also would reduce the Executive Branch’s political dominance of the Fed.  Currently, the Federal Open Market Committee, the instrument of the Fed that sets monetary policy, has as voting members seven men and women who are appointed by the President, the president of the New York Federal Reserve Bank (these eight are permanent voting members), and four presidents of the Fed system’s remaining eleven regional Federal Reserve Banks (the four rotate among the remaining eleven).  Thus, monetary policy is set by Presidential appointees.  Certainly, those appointees are nearly as independent as a President-appointed Supreme Court Justice, but still.  Under the bill, all 12 presidents of the individual Fed banks would become permanent FOMC voting members, so the regions collectively would outnumber the President’s appointees.  The advantage here is that the individual bank presidents are appointed by boards of directors made up of bankers and business leaders local to each of the Federal Reserve System’s regions.  In this way, the regions, which better understand their situations than can a remote government, would gain significant influence over FOMC decisions that impact those regions.

The Sound Dollar Act also would limit the Fed to purchases of Treasury securities.  This would reduce the ability of the Fed to make credit allocation decisions—to pick and choose which banks, for instance, it will “save” by buying from them the toxic asset du jour.  Bailout or bankruptcy is a free market decision; no government instrumentality, other than a bankruptcy court, has any legitimate role in the matter.

I’m not sure allowing the Fed even to buy Treasuries is a good idea, though, unless it’s done after the free market has bought what it wants, and then only at that just demonstrated set of prices.  If the Federal government is such a poor credit risk that it has trouble peddling its debt to private investors, or other governments, why should the American taxpayer be Dragooned into taking on that risk?

With some tweaks, this is a bill that would serve well.  We just need to get the Big Government types out of government and so out of the way.

Incidentally, the WSJ‘s op-ed also has some words on the Fed’s success rate with that other mandate, maintaining “full employment,” and why it’s useful to take that DOC away from the Fed.  RTWT.

A Couple of Related Items

The Wall Street Journal reports that the Securities and Exchange Commission gave up the identity of a Pipeline Trading Systems LLC whistleblower when an SEC lawyer decided to show the PTS executive the lawyer was questioning a notebook compiled by the whistleblower that was “filled with jottings about trades, calls and meetings.” The executive in question recognized the whistleblower’s handwriting.

The WSJ article also cites an SEC spokesman:

Our review of the facts confirms that we followed this practice in this case.  While we utilize evidence from all witnesses, we do not reveal which witnesses may be cooperating with the government except as required by law or the governing rules of civil procedure.

Oops.  Apparently, given the spokesman’s claim that the lawyer “followed this practice” in the present case, it’s SEC civil procedure to give a whistleblower’s identity to the investigation target during the investigation.

In another WSJ report, we learn that The Obama/Holder Justice Department “inadvertently misled the Supreme Court in January 2009 by asserting that officials routinely ‘facilitate’ the return of erroneously deported immigrants.”  That assertion was provided the Supremes pursuant to Nken v Holder, and Chief Justice John Roberts cited it in a ruling that deportation while an appeal was still pending didn’t necessarily impose irreparable harm on immigrants.  This revelation is especially timely given that the Supreme Court also heard arguments this week about the legitimacy of Arizona’s immigration law,

Oops.  Sorry about that.

How are they related?  By the dishonesty shared by these government organs.  Why dishonest?  Because the lawyers involved are highly trained, very intelligent people, and they were not acting on the spur of the moment.  It stretches credulity well past breaking to think these were simply careless mistakes.

For how much longer can afford this level of dishonesty in our government?

An Object Lesson

…in excessive national debt and bailouts.  Greece is an open laboratory that is demonstrating in real time the fallacy of borrowing ad lib. and then going the bailout route, coupled with pure austerity measures that ignore the mechanisms of growth.

After a number of rounds of austerity measures involving public spending cuts and tax increases, rewarded by the EU’s “lending” of billions of euros to help Greece pay off its debt by borrowing more, we have the following outcomes.

The Bank of Greece has revised downward its economic forecast for the Greeks: contraction of 5.0% for 2012, compared with a previous estimate of 4.5%, and compared with a 6.9% decline last year.  This makes the fifth straight year of recession for the country.  The cause of this steady contraction?  All that borrowing to cure an excessive debt problem (feed the addict methadone to “help” him with his heroin addiction.  As with the new lender, the methadone does nothing for the addiction, it’s just a supposedly easier means of maintaining it).  On top of the transfer of addiction from one pusher to another, retirees, public-sector workers, and most households have suffered deep cuts in their disposable income as the government cut spending and raised taxes.  Moreover, the government continued to fail to privatize nationalized enterprises or to sell off nationalized assets—€50 billion ($66 billion) of real estate and other assets such as the government’s stake in Thessaloniki’s port and water utility, the Piraeus port and the Hellenic Postbank, for instance.

The parallels of the United States’ economic policies these last three and more years, together with our own continued economic straits, is striking.

Faced with a similar economic threat some short years ago, Estonia took a different path: government thinned its bureaucracy and reduced healthcare and social services.  Businesses reduced wages by up to 40 percent, with the promise these would be increased as soon as the economy improved.  Most importantly, the government did not pump borrowed funds into the economic cycle.  These are not austerity measures—they’re a return of individual responsibility to the individual.  And the individuals and businesses cut deals to help each other survive the dislocation.  Today, Estonia has little public debt, a budget surplus for the first half of 2011, and an economy growing at an annualized 8% over that same half.

The once sick man of Europe, Germany, did much the same thing in much the same straits.  The Germans, in answer to high debt, high public spending, high taxes, and slow growth, cut welfare benefits and gave employers more flexibility in reaching agreement with their employees on hours and pay.  They also cut federal corporate income taxes to 15% from 1998’s 45%.  With state and local taxes added to the mix, and the effective corporate rate today is close to 30%, down from 50%+ in the 1990s. Today, Germany has an unemployment rate currently at 5.7%, and who’s propping up the EU in today’s debt crisis on the continent?

Government must achieve two things, and then a third, for a sound, free economy within which truly free men have an opportunity to show the best that there is in them.  Government must obtain a net positive income—that is, it must maintain its spending below its revenue intake (especially where the national debt has gotten excessive), and it must do so without raising tax rates.  The second thing it must do is commit that budget surplus to paying down the national debt until that value is at a properly low level.

After that, the surplus must be reduced by reducing the taxes yet further—after all, it isn’t the government’s money.  Money must be left in the hands of those who know best what to do with it—those who’ve earned it.

The Law

…doesn’t apply to me; I’m special.

Eric Holder’s Justice Department is getting something right, and they’re coming in for all kinds of opprobrium from the Left for their efforts.  It seems that the government’s lawyers are haling a band of publishers into court for colluding on the prices for which they would permit eBook versions of their publications to be sold by resellers.  With great crocodile tears, for instance, Senator Charles Schumer (D, NY) bleats

I feel absolutely befuddled by the lawsuit.  For the Antitrust Division to step in as the big protector of Amazon doesn’t seem to make any sense from an antitrust point of view.  Rarely have I seen a suit that so ill serves the interests of the consumer.

Others insist that that, even if the publishers are illegally colluding, they’re acting in the best interests of the industry and, by extension, of readers.  They also insist that book publishing is special: books are the heart and soul of culture and civilization, and if publishers can’t make a decent profit, their ability to produce books is threatened (ignoring whose definition of “decent profit” should be operable here, or the legitimacy of the “heart and soul” bit in an age of virtualization).  As a result, these critics further insist that DoJ should allow the publishers to continue breaking the law.

Leaving aside the cynicism of the meme that holds that illegal behavior is acceptable so long as it serves favored interests, such objections stem from a distortion of what the anti-trust law actually is.  American antitrust law is concerned with protecting competition, not competitors.

Law professor Herbert Hovenkamp, of the University of Iowa, notes that

The goal of antitrust policy is to protect consumer prices….  It’s not to protect inefficient firms from having to exit the market.

Professor Hovenkamp points out further that

Price fixing [the particular beef of the DoJ’s action] is kind of the first-degree murder of antitrust violations.  [DoJ doesn’t] have discretion to just walk away from what appears to be a strong set of facts that, if true, are one of the most central of antitrust violations.

Senator Schumer, et al., know better.  This is a demonstration of their morality.