The Spending Cuts Achieved by the Tax “Deal”

Here, in no particular order, are some.

  • tax subsidies for special business interests:
    • wind tax credit $12.1 billion
    • tax break for cellulosic ethanol—$59 million
    • tax break for impoverished producers of Hollywood—$248 million
  • extending extra jobless benefits for another year—$30 billion

Oh, wait—those weren’t cuts….

Just to put a cherry on top, the Congressional Budget Office scores the Senate bill as adding $4 trillion to the national debt by 2022.

Oops.

Update: Sorry, I don’t know what happened.  An earlier iteration of this post led with an inordinate amount of word processing commands before getting to the post itself.

The Next Financial Crisis

This is the coming debt ceiling fiasco.  Secretary Tim Geithner, in a carefully timed announcement, said just after Christmas that the United States would reach its borrowing limit by the end of the year.  He noted, though, that there were games that he could play with borrowing and accounting that could extend the actual default date for a couple of months.

President Barack Obama wants Congress to grant him unlimited authority to borrow—to spend—entirely on his own recognizance; to eliminate any formal debt ceiling, in other words.  As he announced in his victory speech late on New Year’s Day after having eviscerated the Republican Party, leaving it a faction-ridden, impotent, waste-of-space, he’s going to demand yet more tax increases and more spending in order to continue his Big Government “investments.”  The debt ceiling is just a useless distraction.

On the other hand, the Republicans can recover, if they can just stop whining about their defeats long enough to be a serious voice for those hired them to the Congressional job.  (As an aside, the whining may be an indication of the necessary shame for their repeated surrenders.)  Here’s a suggested agenda outline with which the Party can regain its dignity and integrity, and reconnect with its Conservative principles.  And if they can stick to this, and correct their communications failure, they’ll actually have a chance to implement much of this agenda and to recover enough politically to not get swept entirely from Congress in 2014 and to avoid continuing to abandon our country to one-party rule in 2016.

  1. Negotiate in public.  If they negotiate honestly and in accordance with the Conservative principles they claim to espouse, they’ll have nothing of which to be ashamed, and so no reason to hide in the shadows.
  2. Acknowledge whose money it is that the Federal government collects in taxes, whose money it is the Federal government spends, and who it is that must pay the debt the Federal government incurs when it borrows.  Challenge the Democrats to do the same.  Make frequent public notice of any equivocation.
  3. Say, in no uncertain terms, what is the fair share of taxes to be paid by all Americans.  Challenge the Democrats in the Congress and White House to do the same.  In 2009, the top 1% (those singled out by the just passed bill) paid 37% of all Federal income taxes, while the bottom 50% paid 2%.  Make frequent public notice of any equivocation.
  4. Negotiate—in public—to reform our tax code to meet those shares.
  5. Eliminate business taxes, and loopholes (credits, subsidies, etc) altogether.  It’s the individual American, in his role as customer, who pays most of those taxes, anyway, in the form of higher prices used to recoup some of that tax bill.  We don’t need to be taxed more than once.
  6. Say, in no uncertain terms, on what it is appropriate for the Federal government to be spending our money.  Challenge the Democrats to do the same.  Make frequent public notice of any equivocation.
  7. The Democrats will try to distract the public by attempting to pass legislation concerning immigration reform and gun control.  Republicans should ignore these distractions and force the Democrats to begin talking about the debt ceiling now, rather than waiting again until the last minute with their intent of using the then-approaching deadline to pressure another bad deal.
  8. Promptly pass a budget bill in the House that includes significant spending cuts (at a 3:1 ratio in spending cut dollars for debt ceiling raise dollars, which then defines the debt ceiling raise limit), offer separate legislation concerning tax reform (and pass it in the House), offer separate legislation concerning spending and borrowing reform (and pass it in the House), and offer legislation that raises the debt ceiling and that contains the budget’s spending cuts (and pass it in the House).  This legislation all can be completed from the House’s perspective within January, which would leave the decks clear for the debt ceiling fight.  All of this also will set a Republican-controlled baseline for the debt ceiling debate.
  9. Challenge Obama daily to join the debate on the debt ceiling.  Make frequent public notice of his refusal to deal with the problem.

We Americans have the critical role in this agenda, though.  We must hold the Republicans, and the Democrats, to this agenda, and we must loudly and enthusiastically call out any equivocation by individual Congressmen of either party and by the President, with particular emphasis on attempts to conduct the debt ceiling discussion in secret, and further on agenda items 2, 3, 6, and 9 above.  And in 2014 and 2016, fire those Congressmen who do insist on secrecy and equivocation.

I’ll have specific suggestions for continued tax reform and for spending cuts in later posts.

Some Thoughts on a Pseudo-Wonk’s Thoughts on the Coming Fiscal Cliff

I don’t ordinarily take guys like Ezra Klein seriously.  He is, after all, the pseudo-wonk who claimed in all seriousness, during a December 2010 interview on MSNBC’s “The Daily Rundown,” that our Constitution doesn’t matter; it’s just an inconvenient scrap of paper too often in the way of the Progressives’ Proper Way:

[The Constitution of the United States] has no binding power on anything.  …the text is confusing because it was written more than a hundred years ago….

However, since he is taken seriously by so many on the Left, and he’s just written another tendentious piece of misunderstanding, I find myself drawn to comment.  In writing for Newsday just after Christmas, he made the remarks described below.

I’ll begin by briefly addressing Klein’s windy argument concerning Conservative distrust of Democrats’ spending cut promises.  Klein insists that welching on such promises is a good thing:

The point of austerity is to solve a deficit problem, not yoke the future to the imperfect forecasts of the past.  Once the deficit problem goes away, so too does the reason for austerity.

He also makes his view of the moral appropriateness of breaking promises explicit:

After 1997, spending rose.  But by then, the economy was roaring, and within a few years, we were at surpluses.  So why shouldn’t Congress have been a bit looser with the purse?

And

But if the economy in eight years is far better than we expect it to be today, Congress should change course.  If the cuts to spending don’t need to be so deep, then huzzah! Ratchet them back.

Because—well, Klein never offers a reason.  For him, Big Government spending Americans’ money is the Natural Order.  Big Government is its own raison d’être.

I’ll address his disingenuousness in claiming that leaving more money in the hands of Americans, rather than those of Big Government—reducing government spending, making possible reducing taxes—is somehow austere later.  First, I’ll talk about his outright lie:

[Conservatives’] goal isn’t to reduce deficits.  If it was, they’d be open to tax increases.

And

[Conservatives’] real goal: Not smaller deficits, but smaller government.

Because raising taxes is the One True Way to reduce deficits.

Actually, on one level, Klein’s charge isn’t a malicious slur, at all: Conservatives aren’t interested in reducing deficits; they’re interested in eliminating them altogether.  But Klein wasn’t going there.  Here’s the thing: Conservatives are interested in…reducing…deficits, by cutting spending.  Conservatives also see the optimal long-term path to this—especially in light of Progressives’ view that breaking promises is morally sound—as being to shrink government back to a small, limited entity that the Sovereign people can better control.  The existence of these alternate paths proves the lie in Klein’s charge.

Interestingly, Klein makes his lie as if he believes, in all sincerity, that smaller government is somehow bad.  But one of his movement’s founding forebears, Herb Croly, has already enshrined that concept in the Progressive religion:

To be sure, any increase in centralized power and responsibility, expedient or inexpedient, is injurious to certain aspects of traditional American democracy.  But the fault in that case lies with the democratic tradition; and the erroneous and misleading tradition must yield before the march of constructive national democracy….  [T]he average American individual is morally and intellectually inadequate to serious and consistent conception of his responsibilities as a democrat.

Klein argues, to return to the question of austerity and to questions of spending, taxes, and Big Government:

The point of austerity is to solve a deficit problem, not yoke the future to the imperfect forecasts of the past.  Once the deficit problem goes away, so too does the reason for austerity.

Of course, it should go the other way, too. The Bush tax cuts, which were passed to pay down a surplus, should be rescinded now that deficits have returned.  But Republicans don’t see it that way.

Based on what theory, exactly, should taxes be increased?  Klein declines to offer any support at all for this bald, unsubstantiated claim.  Not the first particle of a fact, not a single line of logic.  Part of his failure, though, stems from his misunderstanding that the Bush tax cuts were intended to “pay down a surplus” (has there been a more cynically offered non sequitur—”pay down a surplus?”) rather than to leave more of Americans’ money in their own hands.  But this is symptomatic of Klein’s blinders (yes, that’s contradictory.  Deal with it).  Big Government is such an obviously positive wonder that explanation seems contained in the statement.

He adds to his curious remark above this:

Rather, austerity is one of many arguments marshaled toward the long-term end of shrinking the size of government.  That’s why a deal that solves the deficit problem and then sees government spending rise in its eight year is a failure rather than a success—it betrayed the actual goal of shrinking the size of the government, even if it succeeded in the putative goal of balancing the budget.

Here’s the cynicism of his austerity claims.  Klein conflates austerity with reduced government spending, austerity with leaving more money in the hands of the individuals otherwise taxed—as though more money in private hands makes somehow for a more limited existence.  No, what is austere is taking money away from those who already are paying far more than their share by raising taxes on them; or taking money away from anyone by raising taxes in the middle of a failed recovery or while deficit spending remains out of control.

He does states a truth, yet fails to recognize it.  A budget that grows government is, rather tautologically, a failure.  One of the points of the goal of shrinking the size of government (beyond facilitating the preservation of individual freedoms and duties) is to exercise better control over its budget—so as to eliminate deficits (not just reduce them), so as to pay down (if not eliminate, from time to time) the debt and keep it under control.

Moreover, Conservatives don’t see the effectivity of raising taxes in times of deficits.  Of course, they don’t—spending cuts also reduce/eliminate deficits, and more efficiently so.  Spending cuts are immediate and direct (note that I’m talking about actual cuts, not the accounting games that both parties play, wherein they claim a reduction in the rise in spending rate is a cut).  Tax increases, though, however well-intended, get diverted into funding another neat program—there’s always a neat program waiting for money—rather than get used to reduce deficits.

But Klein, like all pseudo-wonks of the Left, simply can’t conceive of spending cuts.  He can’t conceive of letting Americans see to their own ends without (his) Big Government hanging over their shoulder making sure that the ends are appropriate and that their satisfaction is via an approved means.

Klein concludes

There’s little doubt that a mixture of tax increases and spending cuts could bring deficits to manageable levels within a few years.  Add in some stimulus and we could even protect the recovery between here and there.  Moreover, since the discretionary spending cuts have already been made, the next set of spending cuts will likely focus on entitlements.

“Add in some stimulus….”  So much for the spending cuts.  He just doesn’t understand the whole premise of reducing spending.  But economics also is more than 100 years old, and so confusing to someone who finds it inconvenient.

And, yes, Ezra, there is considerable doubt that “a mixture of tax increases and spending cuts could bring deficits to manageable levels.”  That’s why there’s this debate in DC.

Finally: shrinking government would accomplish all of this, too, and it would make the manageability of the deficits more permanent.  But Klein ignores the larger point (I’m confident that he sees it, for all his confusion): even a manageable deficit represents debt growth, and our current debt of $161/3 trillion and growing already is at unsustainable levels—interest payments alone currently run to $220 billion/year and that’s only going to get worse as the coming Bernanke Inflation begins to take hold, driving up interest rates.  Imagine the precious entitlements that could be funded with that money were it not wasted on the debt of the profligate.  Imagine the national defense capability that could be had for that kind of money (which would represent a one-third increase in the 2012 DoD budget).  Imagine the real stimulus our economy could have were that money committed to a $220 billion reduction in the taxes Americans pay to Klein’s bloated government.

Spending cuts, though, as the means to eliminate deficits in order to enable paying down national debt, and shrinking government to a proper size so as to maintain that reduced spending and taxation, is inconceivable to today’s Progressives.

The Fiscal Cliff “Deal”

It’s a bad deal, and the Republicans in the House should vote it down.  Indeed, they should refuse even to take up the bill until the Senate has actually voted on the budget bill which the House passed in spring of last year, which would obviate all of this, or on the House-passed fiscal cliff solution from last September (which CBSNews claims doesn’t address the fiscal cliff, even though it significantly reduces Federal spending).

If the House Republicans accede to this deal, there’ll be no meaningful spending cuts, no chance for deficit elimination, no chance for debt pay down, the coming debt ceiling “negotiations” notwithstanding.  No, the Republicans will only be confirming their failure in summer of 2011, and their Senate failure last night, and solidifying their habit of folding under pressure.  And so it will be easy for them to fold, yet again, in two months’ time.

But quite aside from that political failure, they will be creating an economic and social failure: there is no need for the Federal government to receive yet more revenue.  Yet allowing the government to expand its raids on the private pocketbook, they will be condemning Americans to existence as government wards.  After all, President Barack Obama is on record in his victory speech yesterday as saying he intends to use this tax increase to fund additional “welfare,” rather than to pay down the debt, and as saying he wants yet more tax increases in the next round of talks—with which to expand “welfare.”

Even the chump change spending cuts in this deal represent abject surrender for the emasculated party.  The deal agrees to slip the sequester by two months, but that only achieves a spending cut of $24 billion.  That’s one surrender, but it could have been choked down in favor of dealing seriously with spending in the coming debt ceiling debate.  However,

Republicans had insisted the cuts of $24 billion be offset with savings in other areas.  The White House wanted some of the offset to be in the form of tax increases, not just other spending cuts.

Republicans folded (there’s that habit, again).

The deal pays for delaying the sequester with a mix of new taxes and spending cuts[.]  …$12 billion would come from a shift in the rules affecting workplace-based 401(k) plans.

A tax increase from which President Barack Obama’s union allies are carefully shielded, no matter their incomes.

This is a bad deal.

Kill it.

More on the Obama Fiscal Cliff

From Fox News come these tidbits of information.

Signs that a deal was unraveling surfaced by mid-afternoon [Sunday] when Reid said his party could not make a counteroffer to Republicans.

Could not?  Or would not?

Senator Patty Murray (D,WA) said this:

It’s real disturbing we were thrown in a change to Social Security at the last minute.

Aside from the triviality of this, she’s lying about it.   The “change” is a change in the way Social Security payouts are calculated—that chained CPI bit—and it’s been on the table since last summer.

According to Senator Jeff Sessions (R, AL), Senate Budget Committee Ranking Republican,

The biggest obstacle we face is that President Obama and Majority Leader Reid continue to insist on new taxes that will be used to fund more new spending, not for meaningful deficit reduction[.]

Progressive good faith negotiating, indeed.