He Just Doesn’t Get It, Treasury Precinct

Eric Morath, of The Wall Street Journal, describes Secretary Treasury Timothy Geithner’s speech this week before the Economic Club of Chicago.  Geithner said,

The challenges facing the American economy today…are about the barriers to economic opportunity and economic security for many Americans and the political constraints that now stand in the way of better economic outcomes[.]

So far, so good.  But then, Geithner claims that the deficit- and debt-exploding “stimulus” spending this administration and its predecessor inflicted on our economy in 2008 and 2009 helped avoid a much deeper depression.  (As an aside, it’s interesting to note that, just as everyone else in this administration who’s made this claim has done, Geithner declined to offer any evidence whatsoever to support his claim.)  He also insists that government needs to do yet more to stimulate our economy.

Then he argued, in all seriousness, that cutting spending and taxes won’t stimulate the economy.  Here’s the Treasury Secretary insisting that leaving more of our money in our hands to spend—or save—according to our needs isn’t stimulative.

Additionally, here’s that same Treasury Secretary arguing the old, failed Keynesian thought that government spending, of its nature, is stimulative.  The thing with government spending, though, is that it crowds out private spending, it doesn’t add to it.  With the government buying, there’s less need for individuals or businesses to buy: government will, and give it to us.  Look at health care.  Look at food stamps (which I pick on due, among other things, to the impact of farm price supports and the government-mandated ethanol program on food prices).

And

There is no economic or financial case for using the fear of future deficits to cut as deeply into core functions of the government, to weaken the safety net or fundamentally alter Medicare benefits[.]

No, of course not.  He’ll just have more money printed up to cover those costs.  Never mind that all that inflowing printed currency is just inflation, either today or tomorrow, which will only erode the value of the money coming from that Federal spending—and the value of what money we still have after taxes.  The government can print money to keep up with its inflation.  We cannot.

No, Mr Geithner, the political constraints challenging our economy today consists entirely of too much Federal government interference in our economy.  The most important thing that government needs to do more of right now, to help our economy, to stimulate our economy, is to sit down and put its collective hands in its collective pockets.  Do more nothing

Some “Tea Partiers” and Budgets

The White House objects to Congressman Paul Ryan’s (R, WI) latest budget proposal as the end of the welfare state.  I certainly hope it is.

As to the rest of The Wall Street Journal‘s op-ed, what they said.

Some—by no means all, but every grouping has its extremists—who aver themselves to be tea partiers need to withdraw their heads from rectal storage and pay attention.  In DC, in politics, in any endeavor, we need to not hold out for everything all at once, or we’ll get nothing at all, and at once.  Take what we can get today, and come back tomorrow to work for more.

This working, bit by bit, toward the goal is how the Progressives have gotten us into our present strait over these last 80 years, and it’s the only way out of our present strait to fiscal sanity and its associated economic growth and prosperity.  It’s the only path away from government dependency and back to personal responsibility and individual freedom.

Take the budget and vote it up.  Make the spending, taxing, and “entitlement” corrections today that are possible today, rather than failing to get any of it by being greedy for more.  Come back tomorrow, and work then for the next increment.  And by the way, tomorrow’s effort will be informed (for those willing to listen) by the empirical data flowing from today’s reforms, and so tomorrow’s continued reforms can be more efficiently structured and thus produce its results more quickly.  Sort of a dynamic political scoring.

Green Energy and Financing

The Copper Mountain power plant, a solar (photovoltaic) power plant in Boulder City, NV, produces enough electricity to power 17,000 homes.

This isn’t a typical “green” energy project, though.  This is a true green energy one: aside from $60 million in federal and state tax incentives, the project, including the 450 acres of land obtained to house the collectors, was entirely privately financed.  The tax incentives I consider a wash, because those are typical offerings from any jurisdiction in order to induce companies of any industry to locate their business here, rather than there.

Scott Crider, spokesman for Copper Mountain’s parent Sempra US Gas & Power, points out that the solar plant is a winner for taxpayers, estimating that the plant will generate $2 for the governments involved for every $1 in tax incentives over the next 30 years.

Copper Mountain and Sempra demonstrate that serious projects need no government largess.  Moreover, that payoff ratio gets even better when projects are wholly privately financed.

House 2013 Budget Blueprint

This is, indeed, a contrast in visions.  We are in the middle of a struggle for the future of our country, and the budget blueprint lays out the parameters of that struggle.

This table, from the House’s Committee on the Budget’s Web site, lays out the contrast pretty clearly.

 

The President’s Budget

House Blueprint

pending

Net $1.5 trillion increase relative to current policy Cuts spending by $5 trillion relative to President’s budget

Taxes

Imposes a $1.9 trillion tax increase; Adds new complexity and new hurdles for hardworking taxpayers, making it more difficult to expand opportunity Prevents President’s tax increases; Reforms broken tax code to make it simple, fair, and competitive; clears out special interest loopholes and lowers everybody’s tax rates to promote growth

Deficits

Four straight trillion-dollar deficits; Breaks promise to cut deficit in half by end of first term; Budget never balances Brings deficits below 3 percent of GDP by 2015; Reduces deficits by over $3 trillion relative to President’s budget; Puts budget on path to balance

Debt

Adds $11 trillion to the debt – increasing debt as a share of the economy – over the next decade; Imposes $200,000 debt burden per household; Debt skyrockets in the years ahead Reduces debt as a share of the economy over the next decade; Charts a sustainable trajectory by reforming the drivers of the debt; Pays off the debt over time

Size of Government

Size of government never falls below 23 percent of the economy, making it more difficult to expand opportunity Brings size of government to 20 percent of economy by 2015, allowing the private sector to grow and create jobs

National Security

Slashes defense spending by nearly $500 billion; Threatens additional cuts by refusing to specify plan of action to address the sequester; Forces troops and military families to pay the price for Washington’s refusal to address drivers of debt Prioritizes national security by preventing deep, indiscriminate cuts to defense; Identifies strategy-driven savings, while funding defense at levels that keep America safe by providing $554 billion for the next fiscal year for national defense spending

Health Security

Doubles down on health care law, allowing government bureaucrats to interfere with patient care; Empowers an unaccountable board of 15 unelected bureaucrats to cut Medicare in ways that result in restricted access and denied care for current seniors, and a bankrupt future for the next generation Repeals President’s health care law; Advances bipartisan solutions that take power away from government bureaucrats and put patients in control; No disruption for those in or near retirement; Ensures a strengthened Medicare program for future generations, with less support given to the wealthy and more assistance for the poor and the sick

A couple of comments are in order (I’ll ignore the political hype in the characterizations in both sides of this table and address only the actual data provided).

First, notice that President Obama’s budget (about which neither he nor his Senate Democrat minions are serious; this is just a campaign speech) both increases Federal spending an enormous amount and increases taxes even more.  This certainly is one way to balance the budget (IFF the tax revenues resulting from those increases actually occur; however, raising taxes actually lowers tax revenue flowing by reducing the economic activity that produces those revenues), but it does so at the expense of our economy’s ability to function.  It constitutes $3.4 trillion dollars taken away from individual Americans and our businesses, either directly—those taxes—or indirectly by taking our spending decisions away from us and putting them into the hands of the Federal government.  It says that we Americans are utterly incapable of making our own money allocation decisions; we must yield those to our Betters in government.

The House budget blueprint, though (it’s certainly true that it could serve as a campaign speech, but it has the added—and critical—advantage of being an actual, workable budget blueprint), recognizes two fundamental things: the money involved is ours, not government’s; we only allocate some of our money to government to spend on our purposes (and not on government’s purposes).  Secondly, the government does not need the money, it does not need those taxes; government does need to spend less.  Period.  It really is that simple.

My second comment concerns the two plans’ attitude toward the appropriate size of government and from that their attitudes toward us Americans.  Obama wants to expand government, not only in size but in authority over our lives.  Government is the answer to our problems, and so the Progressives seek to increase our dependency on government.  Moreover this increase in dependency is not limited to those of us who already are government dependents.  Progressives want to make us all government wards.  We cannot be trusted to work out our own solutions, to make our own decisions.  We’re just not good enough at it.

The House blueprint, in stark contrast, shrinks the size and power of government.  This blueprint respects and trusts us Americans to make our own decisions, and to do a better job for each of us individually, as well as for any groups of us, than government can ever hope to do.  After all, at best, government is limited either to a one-size-fits-all solution (which perforce actually fits no one) or to a collection of “solutions” tailored to groups of us (groupings defined by government, mind you, not by us) that demands an army of bureaucrats to administer and another army of lawyers to interpret and defend.

The choice, then, is clear: whom should we elect this fall?  A collection of politicians who don’t trust us with our own lives, or a collection of politicians who are looking actually to reduce government’s—and their—power over us?

Private vs. Government Economic Stimulus

The New Orleans writer Douglas McCollam, in a recent The Wall Street Journal op-ed, described a New Orleans organization that is having an impact on that city’s economic welfare.  The nonprofit organization, Idea Village, it seems, has in its 10 years of existence helped raise $2.7 million

in seed capital for more than 1,100 local entrepreneurs, creating more than 1,000 jobs and $83 million in annual revenue—and these days helping the city’s unemployment rate stay about a point to a point-and-a-half below the national average.

That’s money raised from private sources and voluntarily paid in, not tax money collected by a government.  In addition to Idea Village’s efforts, health care and education are benefitting from private enterprise efforts, rather than government handouts:

Today about 80% of the city’s public schools, formerly among the nation’s worst, are charter schools competing on performance to attract students.  The city’s antiquated Charity Hospital will soon be replaced by a state-of-the-art medical center, part of a larger, 2.4-square-mile medical corridor anchored by a new cancer research facility and BioInnovation Center.

With tax incentives (read tax cuts), New Orleans is about to replace New York City as the second largest venue for making feature films (Los Angeles remains No. 1).

Look again at Idea Village.  In its 10 years, it’s returned on those $2.7 million 30 times that amount in annual revenue.  And those jobs have cost $2,700 per each.

How does that private stimulus money raising and spending compare with government stimulus money taxing and spending?

President Obama and Vice President Biden are constantly claiming that Obama’s Stimulus spending has “created or preserved” millions of jobs in just three years.  They have steadfastly refused, though, to provide any evidence that that’s true, or that jobs created or preserved are the result of that trillion-dollar spending spree in 2009 and not the result of a struggling, otherwise ordinary, business recovery cycle—beyond anecdotal claims from state agencies beholden to the Obama administration for that money and for other billions they each hope to get in the future.

Let’s accept arguendo that the Obama claims are reasonably accurate, though.  $1 trillion dollars from the Stimulus Bill of three years ago has created or saved 3.2 million (the most frequently tossed about number) jobs in these last three years.  That works out to $312,500 per job created or saved.  Sorting out only the created jobs (were that possible) would drive that cost per job even higher.

And the return on those trillion dollars isn’t at all positive.  Meanwhile, the unemployment average remains, three years after Obama’s promise, above 8%.

Hmm….