Not Sure This Is Correct

James MacIntosh, writing for The Wall Street Journal, is worried about the Fed worrying too much about its last mistake regarding inflation, when it was too slow to respond to rising prices. For instance,

But there’s a fundamental difference between the new oil shock and the postpandemic boom. Inflation today, already visible in rising prices at the pumps, is driven by restricted supply as Iran cuts off oil and other shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. The 2021-22 inflation was driven by soaring demand as stimulus-rich consumers emerged from enforced hibernation during Covid lockdowns.
Central banks know how to deal with too much demand. They should have raised rates much earlier than their eventual 2022 rises to hold back borrowing and spending. Today, they can’t do anything about the hit to supply, because, as the saying goes, you can’t print oil.

The problem with this, though, is in the relationship between inflation—rising prices—and rising—”too much”—demand. Rising prices occurs because demand is rising faster than supply can rise to satisfy it; it does not occur simply from rising demand. If we want more stuff—here oil—and the production of oil exists to satisfy that rising demand, prices don’t rise; there is no inflation.

Inflation is always and only in the relationship between demand and supply; it is never in demand alone or in supply alone. The only way there can be too much demand if there’s too little supply (the other side of this is true, too: the only way there can be too little demand is if there’s too much supply, which results in falling prices—deflation). More demand than supply can satisfy and less supply than can satisfy demand are the same thing.

So, what can/should the Fed do about today’s too little supply of oil relative to the demand for it and the consequent rise in prices? Its mandate, aside from full employment, is price stability: no change in price level, or via its goal, keeping price increases to 2% inflation. The Fed’s tool for this interest rates, which is to say here, reducing demand by raising the cost of the money that is that demand. Thus: raise interest rates when that inflation gets out of hand/rises too far above that 2% in a sustained upward trend. This is wholly independent of both supply and demand individually and responsive only to the relationship between the two.

The problem here is that “out of hand,” “too far above,” and “sustained” are each individually only hazily defined criteria. My own opinion is that with employment, which is a consequence of stable prices as well as its own economic condition, close to full and stable and currently rising prices not yet out of hand or too far above 2% or on a sustained upward trend, the Fed should do nothing more than keep a watchful eye. Trying to time the market with enough precision to preempt inflation without cutting off growth is as much a fool’s errand as an individual investor’s timing with a view to precise top or bottom picking.

This also is consistent with my view that current interest rates are consistent with (if a bit lower than) interest rates that historically are associated with 2%± inflation, so there’s nothing generally that the Fed needs to do.

When is a Strategic Strength a Strategic Vulnerability?

The lede laid out the misconception:

The oil states of the Persian Gulf have made great strides to diversify their economies in recent years, but they have also created a new vulnerability: more strategic targets for Iran to hit.

More targets to hit? Sure. But attacking them dilutes and dissipates any ability to attack a choke point in any economy, to seriously degrade or to destroy a Critical Item in an economy. Indeed, by diversifying, an economy’s single or a couple of Critical Items are eliminated, and what replaces them are a larger number of Important Components to that economy.

But that number protects the economy as a whole, and so strengthens the targeted nation: it will suffer economic losses, but it has become much harder to shut down.

When is a strategic strength a strategic vulnerability? Not this time.

A Thought on Oil

The surviving governing mullahs in Iran have moved to close the Strait of Hormuz, impacting global oil flows and prices. The US has moved to continue destroying Iran’s military capability (along with Israel’s moves against Iran’s government and military officials), but shorter range drones and mines can functionally close the Strait for some time to come.

The US has asked its allies, especially those of Europe, for help in reopening the Strait and holding it open. Europe’s navies, after all, have more, and more experienced, anti-mine capabilities than ours does.

They refused initially, and are foot dragging presently.

That brings up my thought on oil flows in the Arabian Gulf and through the Strait. Iran’s oil exports are continuing apace, on Iranian oil tankers, and it already has some 50 days’ worth of oil on tankers in the seas around Singapore and quite a bit more in transit or on floating storage vessels. Iran also has just two oil exporting ports available to it: Kharg Island, in the northern reaches of the Gulf, from which 90% of Iran’s oil and natural gas exports are shipped, and at Bandar-e-Jask, just outside the Strait, from which the rest of Iran’s oil and natural gas are shipped.

One US move would be to stop Iranian oil exports altogether. Destroy the oil jetty on Kharg so oil and natural as present on the island can’t be moved offshore, and destroy the port at Bandar-e-Jask so oil and natural gas can’t be exported from there, either. In anticipation of a more peaceable government in future, it likely would be sufficient to destroy the pipelines entering and leaving those facilities. With Iran at war with us for the last 50-ish years and with us, alongside Israel, against whom Iran has been warring for just long, finally shooting back, Iranian ships and storage facilities are legitimate targets. We should seize and sequester Iran’s tankers at sea, with the possible exception of those tankers actually within Singapore’s territorial waters, along with its floating storage sites, sell the oil to other customers, and sell the seized ships and floating storage sites or send them to the breakers.

One more move: the US Navy could begin escorting convoys of oil tankers and other cargo ships through the Strait, except for the tankers and cargo shipping bound for Europe. Those nations continue to insist on freeloading off US blood and treasure while doing nothing for themselves. Let them pay the price of their freeloading or pick up their responsibility for escorting those vessels.

Black Boxes

Folks buying into a private lending fund are learning, I trust, a valuable lesson, and the rest of us should take that lesson to heart, also. This is especially the case when the fund restricts withdrawals. The fund singled out by The Wall Street Journal for its example is Cliffwater Corporate Lending Fund.

Investors are fleeing the $42 billion Cliffwater Corporate Lending Fund, among the latest of its kind to limit redemptions for shareholders. Many investors appear to believe the private-credit fund’s official net asset value is inflated, prompting them to sell their shares, or try to.
One reason many are rushing for the exits: it can be difficult for shareholders to understand what they own. The disclosures at funds like this often are as impenetrable as they are voluminous.

If the claims are not independently verifiable, including by a potential investor, they are not reliable, and a potential investor should not invest.

This, though, is not an excuse for Government to step in and “regulate.” Caveat emptor; investors, like any other American, ought to face the consequences—good or bad—of their decisions on their own, without government taking tastes from successes or doing bailouts for failures.

What He Said

Mississippi’s Republican governor, Tate Reeves, had a few words to say in response to Vermont’s nominally Independent Senator, Bernie Sanders, the latter whom wants a moratorium on building data centers to support AI development or any other uses. Reeves’ words, though, have much broader implication, and I’ve repeated them below in their entirety.

I understand individuals who would rather not have any industrial project in their backyard. We all choose where to live, whether it’s urban, suburban, agrarian, or industrial. I do not understand the impulse to prevent our country from advancing technologically—except as civilizational suicide.
This instinct seems to infect the far left across lots of domains: immigration, crime fighting, and the national debt to name a few. You can tell they’re just sort of yearning to submit our society to outside forces: mobs, international councils, or communist China. Maybe they’re exhausted and just want a few years of taxpayer-funded rest before they shuffle off.
I don’t want to go gently. I love this country, and want her to rise. That’s why Mississippi has become the home of the world’s most impressive supercomputers. We are committed to America and American power. We know that being the hub of the world’s most awesome technology will inevitably bring prosperity and authority to our state. There is nobody better than Mississippians to wield it.
I am tempted to sit back and let other states fritter away the generational chance to build. To laugh at their short-sightedness. But the best path for all of us would be to see America dominate, because our foes are not like us. They don’t believe in order, except brutal order under their heels. They don’t believe in prosperity, except for that gained through fraud and plunder. They don’t think or act in a way I can respect as an American.
So, let’s see Americans (and Mississippians) dominate this space—no matter how many leftists want us to roll over and die instead.

That last is especially important; I’ll say it again:

So, let’s see Americans (and Mississippians) dominate this space—no matter how many leftists want us to roll over and die instead.