Governments and Laws

I’ve written before about government’s regulations.  Just as pernicious, though, are government’s laws—and this is even more our own fault, because unlike regulations, which are created by nameless Executive Branch bureaucrats through delegation from Congress, laws are passed by that Congress—the very folks we elect to represent us, and then re-elect, even when they overstep or ignore our instructions to them.

Last year, the National Conference of State Legislatures reports, the states passed 40,000 laws that take effect this year, or took effect after passage last year.  The Daily Caller reports that at the Federal level, it would have taken 12 days(!), at 200 pages per day, to read all the Federal laws and regulations extant in 1925 (before the New Deal, that is).  Today, it’ll take three years.  Obamacare and Dodd–Frank, for all their excessiveness, actually added only 25 days.

Some examples at the State level include the following gems.  You’re already aware of Obamacare and Dodd-Frank; I won’t go into further Federal pearls.

California last year banned the use of UV indoor tanning beds for all minors.  Apparently, the State has decided parents are too negligent and can’t be trusted to do their own jobs.  Nor is their judgment to be trusted.

California has banned “the production, distribution or sale of beer to which caffeine has been directly added as a separate ingredient.”  Apparently the State’s distrust extends to all of its adult citizens.  The Patrons in government Know Better, and good idea or bad, mere adults won’t have that choice to make.

Kentucky has decided that selected prison inmates who have not been granted parole must serve “the final six months of their sentence in the community under supervision.”  In other words, these inmates get parole, anyway, even though they didn’t get parole.  Hmm….

In Oregon, the state’s universities and community colleges must “waive tuition and fees for current and former foster children under age 25,” and this new law also gives foster children (25 is a child?  Still, that’s consistent with the adult “child” that Obamacare allows onto a parents’ health insurance policy—at the parents’ cost) first claim on the state’s Opportunity Grants when funding can’t support 100% of otherwise eligible students.  We get yet more special treatment for favored groups—this time under the guise of glorified “affirmative action.”  The law is silent on orphans or children raised in orphanages; apparently they aren’t as deserving.

More examples can be found at the NCSL link above.

Tacitus warned us long ago:

Corruptisima republica plurimae leges.

Mt. Soledad Memorial

Many of you will have heard of the Mojave Desert Memorial Cross fiasco and the 9th Circuit’s weaseling related to that case.  In sum, the ACLU sued to have the cross—a war memorial, erected to honor America’s fallen, our soldiers who’ve died defending our country and our freedoms—removed on the manufactured offense that someone might object to the use of a cross for this purpose.  After the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled on appeal that the cross had to go, the US Supreme Court, in a strongly worded ruling, said the cross was a legitimate war memorial device and was to be permitted to stay; they then returned to case to the original court to produce a proper ruling.  Following this, vandals tore down the cross, and the current status is that the Obama administration will not permit the cross to be re-erected until that original court gets off its duff and follows its instructions from the Supreme Court.

There is a similar memorial near Mt. Soledad, CA, that honors, among others, America’s Korean War fallen; it was created in 1954.  It’s going through the same vicious ordeal.

Mt Soledad Memorial

In response to another ACLU suit alleging offense at using a cross to honor our war dead, the 9th Circuit ruled on appeal that the Mt. Soledad cross had to go, also, overruling a lower court Federal judge’s 2008 decision.  The ruling was so poorly reasoned, and so wrong-headedly done, that five judges on the 26-judge court objected to the 9th‘s refusal to rehear the case en banc.  The essence of the judges’ objections to the Court’s refusal involve arcane mechanics of evaluation, but they center on the plain secular nature of the cross in its use and purpose at the Mt Soledad Memorial.  They wrote

[T]he question is what viewers may fairly understand to be the purpose of the display. That inquiry, of necessity, turns upon the context in which the contested object appears.

They then cited the Supreme Court’s ruling in that Mojave Desert case above:

…recognized the unique history of the Cross as a symbol of respect for fallen soldiers (of all faiths or no faith)….

This is what Justice Kennedy had written, that our five judges were citing:

…a Latin cross is not merely a reaffirmation of Christian beliefs.  It is a symbol often used to honor and respect those whose heroic acts, noble contributions, and patient striving help secure an honored place in history for this Nation and its people.  Here, one Latin cross in the desert evokes far more than religion.  It evokes thousands of small crosses in foreign fields marking the graves of Americans who fell in battles, battles whose tragedies are compounded if the fallen are forgotten.

And so it is with the Mt. Soledad cross.

The five judges went on with other arguments, but you get the idea.

As the case now stands, the Mt. Soledad Memorial Association, represented by the Liberty Institute, are appealing to the Supreme Court; the Court will hear a petition for certiorari (lawyer-talk for “agree to take up the matter”—if they grant certiorari, they will hear the appeal itself) in early February.  One hopes the Supremes will take the case and then rule as they did with Mojave; although nothing is certain in legal disputes.  One hopes also that the Supremes will swat the 9th for their continued…intransigence…, but that’s probably too much to ask.

This case is another example in a long-standing assault on our war memorials through judicial activism and by an ACLU that used to serve a valuable role in protecting the rights of individual Americans, but that now seems bent on attacking the rights of other Americans.

Conservatism and Progressive Conflation

I don’t often take issue with another writer in particular, but a recent column by The Washington Post‘s EJ Dionne wants a response.

Dionne makes his case that President Obama, in the coming national elections, is actually the conservative in the race and that the Republican contenders are the radicals trying to change things utterly.  He frames his argument thusly:

Obama is defending a tradition that sees government as an essential actor in the nation’s economy….

and

Today’s Republicans cast the federal government as an oppressive force, a drag on the economy and an enemy of private initiative.

This is an interesting argument.  Dionne apparently believes that our tradition—that our American history—begins less than a century ago, in FDR’s 1930s, with his Progressive New Deal politics.  It is then, after all, that the “tradition” of government as major actor in our economy began.  But this elides the preceding 140 years of American history.  And it ignores our founding precept of a minimalist government, created in the aftermath of having just freed ourselves from a remote, intrusive, controlling government.

In fact, the conservatism that Dionne defends, the conservative that is Obama, is the 18th Century Conservatism against which we rebelled: the idea that government knows best and that our rights and freedoms flow from government and are not inherent in the individuals that comprise We the People.  Modern Liberalism—Progressivism—holding as it does that government should instruct us on what we must, or must not, buy (strictly for our own good, you see) and that requires our money for its own spending (leaving such amounts to us as it deems appropriate), is nothing but the modern version of 18th Century Conservatism.

The modern conservative position is, in fact, an effort to reverse these Progressive politics of big, intrusive government and to restore our country to its 18th Century Liberal roots of a small government that looks outward, toward foreign policy and external threats, not inward, except to make rational the relations of our constituent States among each other.  The modern conservative looks to restore the individual citizen to his 18th Century Liberal’s responsibility for his own outcomes and satisfaction of his own obligations and to his place as Sovereign over government.

The titles of Liberal and Conservative have reversed their meaning from the 18th century.  Dionne chooses to overlook that.

Free Market Capitalism And Democracy

I want to spend a little time talking about the relationship between free markets and democracy and about how closely connected the two are to each other.

A free market in this context is a market in which the participants—buyers and sellers, producers and buyers, businesses and customers, i.e., any pairing you’d care to think of involving people exchanging items of value—are free to determine for themselves both what it is that’s of value and the terms, if any, by which they’re willing to exchange those things.  Moreover, since the participants are free to bargain among each other, their collective choices, summarized into a general supply of and demand for goods and services and money determine general—and since voluntary, constantly fluctuating—terms of exchange: what can generally be expected to be available for buying and selling, and at what prices.

Capitalism in this context means private ownership of property, including money, and of the means of production: one’s body, including labor output; one’s thoughts, including intellectual property and output; and physical plant, including the entire gamut from individual hammers and screwdrivers up through whole plants and companies that use plants and employ physical and intellectual labor.  Further, capitalism occurs within the framework of a free market, and it facilitates accumulation of capital in a broad variety of forms for profit, for future expansion, and for development of new products and/or means of production.  Thus, capitalism underpins free markets.

Democracy is a means, often political, by which the members of a community decide for themselves a variety of matters, usually by voting in some manner.  A democracy may use a government as a mechanism for arriving at decisions, but in a democracy that government is subordinate to the people.  This is as opposed to a government originating decisions and handing them down to a subject people, with the people being subordinate to the government.

The aggregate of individual economic decisions is what makes up an economy.  In a free market, capitalist economy, individuals, at bottom, vote on what we want produced, vote on what we want to possess or to consume, with our economic property: dollars (which we earn in another component of the free market capitalist economy, the labor market, in which we sell our labor for a price voluntarily agreed on with an employer) and any other items we might offer in an exchange.

Every purchase we make, every sale we make, is the outcome of our voice speaking and the result of our choice made.  I’ve cited Adams before, but he’s applicable here, too: an individual’s happiness—the pursuit of which is one of those inalienable rights acknowledged in our Declaration of Independence—is this:

All men are born free and independent, and have certain natural, essential, and unalienable rights, among which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defending their lives and liberties; that of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property; in fine, that of seeking and obtaining their safety and happiness.

Where we are free to choose for ourselves what we will do with our property, we there are free to develop our own lives toward our own goals.  And our economic property is founded on our natural right of property in our lives, our bodies, our minds, and the things we produce with those.  (As an aside, this natural right, among others, is acknowledged in our Declaration of Independence, as well as in Adams’ Massachusetts Constitution.)

It is this democracy of a capitalistic free market that enables us to manage our own ends, to reach for goals of our own choosing.  This is where we exercise our property rights in our own outputs.

And we must do so: if government exercises rights in our property, it also has control over our political property: it can give or withhold from us according to its approval of our voting.  Any time a government determines these things for us, even indirectly, by determining the terms of our exchanges, by determining the things we will be permitted—or required—to exchange, regardless of lofty motive, we individual participants lose our vote, we lose our voice: government is speaking, not for us and saying what we have instructed it to say; it is speaking, rather, to us and saying what its instructions to us are.

This is a two-way street.  Without political democracy, we cannot have the economic democracy of capitalistic free markets.  Within political democracy, we individually and freely vote with our political property for the things we need and want; it is through political democracy that we are able to act to preserve the freedom and capitalist nature of our markets.  The free market, our individual ownership of our property and of our productive facilities, are both demonstration and constructor of democracy.

In the end, free markets, capitalism, and democracy each needs the others; none can exist without the other two.  In fact, they are the same; they are merely economic and political sides of the same coin.

Whose Free Speech Is It, Anyway?

These days we have reports of “Occupiers” planning to disrupt the Iowa Republican Primary caucuses, with one young woman justifying the disruption by saying that “all we have is our bodies, and we need to do what we can to have our voices heard.”

Last week, Congresswoman Michelle Bachmann was disrupted during a campaign appearance in Iowa City as “Occupiers” shouted her down and drown her out—so that only “Occupiers'” voices would be heard.

The same week, Speaker Newt Gingrich’s appearance at the Iowa State Capitol building was disrupted with the same “my free speech, not yours” technique by other “Occupiers,” and for the same reason.

The “Occupiers” plainly believe that their free speech rights don’t end where anyone else’s free speech rights begin.  The “Occupiers” insist that only their speech is appropriate to be heard.  They’re not only attacking the speakers’ rights to speak, though, with their behavior; they’re destroying everyone else’s, also: they intend, as they have been doing all along, to dictate to you and me what speech we will be permitted to hear.  We’re not to be allowed to decide for ourselves.

These are the folks, and this is the philosophy, that the Democratic Party actively supports.  But the “Occupiers”—and by extension, our Democrats—aren’t upset that their voices aren’t being heard; they’re upset that they are not being heeded.  So they’ll “do what we need to do.”  Your free speech doesn’t count.