Lessons from Germany

Spiegel Online International talks about a (relatively) strong German economic performance in the coming year, following on the heels of a strong performance for 2011.  It also draws a contrast, while outlining the jealousy of its European neighbors.

Germany’s economic success does not make the country more popular among its neighbors, though. After all, this is the same country that has been blocking all proposals to use the European Central Bank (ECB) to provide more generous financing for embattled euro-zone countries. Some European countries appear to be secretly hoping that Germany, Europe’s economic paragon, will also soon feel the brunt of the crisis.

How did the Germans achieve this?  One path is through the intermediate-term outcome of some economic and governmental reforms they put into place in 2003, in part to cure themselves of being the “sick man of Europe.”  They:

  • increased, from management’s perspective, the mobility of their labor force,
  • provided stronger financial incentives for the unemployed to go back to work, rather than paying them unemployment “benefits” for not working,
  • reduced taxes,
  • reduced government debt relative to their GDP.

One of the things the labor reforms led to was increased hiring because the reforms made it easier for employers to hire.  In 2011 alone, for instance, a half million new jobs were created in a population of 81.5 million.  Their reforms also encouraged more people to try to go back to work.  The resulting increased employment rate matched up with the lower tax burden to leave more money in the hands of individual Germans.  In short, Germany took steps to free up its economy, moving it closer to an open, free market, especially in comparison with their embattled euro-zone neighbors, and embarrassingly so relative to the US.

Their European neighbors, on the other hand, are not implementing similar reforms; indeed, although the embattled euro-zone nations are cutting spending, they’re actually raising the tax burden on their populations and businesses.  Moreover, they’re eschewing reforming their labor laws which leave unions with a decisive upper hand.

Are there lessons here for us?  Let’s see: those half million German jobs would work out to nearly 2 million new jobs in the US in 2011.  Germany cut taxes, but like the failing nations of Europe, our government insists on raising taxes.  Our tax increases aren’t even intended to close any budget gap, or to pay down any national debt, either—they’re for supporting even higher spending.  And here we are, just as are the embattled euro-zone nations, mired in a three-year-old recession in all but name—stagnating away with high unemployment, rapidly increasing budget deficits, and exploding national debt.

Hmm….

Progressives, RINOs, and Taxes

Now that the Republican fiasco with the temporary payroll tax cut is sort of ended for a little bit, it’s time for these gentlemen and gentlewomen to recover their heads from rectal storage and get serious—and coherent—about tax policy for the US.

This last week has been a textbook example of a Keystone Kops failure to perform.  Others can run the post mortem on their failure; I want to look ahead to early in the next year.

When the new year dawns, and the “negotiation” over the payroll tax cut extension for a whole year begins, we can expect the Progressives to resume their hobby horse demand to pay for the tax cut with their class war-oriented tax increase on groups of Americans of whom they utterly disapprove.  The House Republicans and the Senate RINOs need to change the terms of that debate, rather than continuing to surrender the frame of the discussion to the other side.

The discussion needs to acknowledge, with gratification, the Progressives’ avowal that tax cuts are good for Americans and our economy.  The discussion needs to acknowledge, with enthusiasm, that the Progressives want a 2% tax cut for Americans, and that their leader, President Obama, wants a 3% tax cut on both employees and employers.

Then the House Republicans, and their nominal colleagues, the Senate RINOs (assuming the latter can find their principles anywhere at all nearby), need to push for an income and corporate tax cut of 3%—just as Obama has asked for.  And also acknowledging the need for stability and predictability for all Americans, these worthies need to push for the income tax cuts to be permanent—no more of this annual dual between talking point lists for personal political gain.  After all, as Obama himself said all week long, the $40 per paycheck that this small cut represents “makes all the difference in the world” to those who get it.  Of course, these $40 should be made permanent.

The Republicans and RINOs also need to push the Progressives, when the latter resist the income tax cut and its permanence, about the Progressives’ demand, instead, to reduce funding for an already dysfunctional Social Security system while they also refuse to allow reform of the system (or of Medicare or Medicaid, come to that).

I look forward to the Republicans and the RINOs getting their act and their message together, recovering their integrity and their principles, and arguing for a more serious, income, tax cut.  And after that, they need to push, for the same reasons, for the permanence of the Bush tax cuts (and not allow this also to be merely another periodic talking points duel).

Hypocrisy

For some time, President Obama has been demanding that the payroll tax cut, due to expire at the end of this year, be extended for another year—the whole year, together with a blanket extension of the unemployment subsidy.  Leaving aside the wisdom of defunding Social Security as a means of providing a tax cut, or of paying the unemployed for not working, let’s explore what’s happened with Obama’s demand.

Obama and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid have refused to pay for a one-year payroll tax cut and the unemployment subsidy extension with any means that doesn’t include a parallel tax increase elsewhere, as they demand a continuation of their class war programs.  Failing to get agreement for that for a complete year’s extension, the Senate passed a two month extension of the tax cut and subsidy—with, I’m embarrassed to say, the complicity of Senate RINOs who lack the character or courage required to fight this class war.  Certainly, at the end of those two months, the Progressive demand for tax increases on Americans of whom they disapprove will resume, even more loudly.

The House had passed, some time prior, a bill that would have extended the payroll tax cut for the entire year, extended the unemployment subsidy on a gradually decreasing schedule, and paid for all of it without tax increases anywhere else, but with spending cuts only.

When the Senate passed their two-month bill, they ran for the exits to start their precious month-long vacation, their personal welfare being more important to these Senators than the welfare of us Americans.  On the way out the door, they ordered the House to pass the Senate bill with no further argument.

The House rejected the Senate’s failure and voted, instead, to send the two bills to a House-Senate conference committee to resolve the differences, as is the normal way of doing business in the Congress.  “Let’s get this done today,” House Speaker John Boehner told Obama in an effort to enlist the President’s help to get the bill which Obama has been demanding passed.  However.

Reid is actively refusing to negotiate.  He’s actively refusing to bring the Senate back—or to send any Senators back to take part in the conference committee.  He demands that his two-month bill be passed by the House as a precondition to any negotiations.  And he’s castigated those evil Republicans for holding out for Obama’s year-long extension.

Obama is actively refusing to negotiate on the passage of his own bill.  He says:

Now let’s be clear.  The bipartisan compromise that was reached on Saturday is the only viable way to prevent a tax hike on January 1. The only one.

So, Obama, who has been demanding a year-long extension of the payroll tax cut for Americans, doesn’t really mean it.  The only bill he wants is his pet Harry Reid’s two-month extension.  And an opportunity to fight again for divisive tax increases on Americans whom he doesn’t like.

Expanding Government

Fox News had a report about another move by Big Government to “guide” us for our own good.  It seems the EPA has a Green Book (called “Sustainability and the U.S. EPA,” commissioned in 2010 for $700 thousand, and published last August) that it wants to use sub rosa (EPA representatives were reluctant to discuss the principles espoused in this document in public) to

integrate sustainability “as one of the key drivers within the regulatory responsibilities of EPA.” The panel who wrote the study declares part of its job to be “providing guidance to EPA on how it might implement its existing statutory authority to contribute more fully to a more sustainable-development trajectory for the United States.”

Or, in other words, how to use existing laws to new ends.

EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson insists that the EPA’s “sustainability” approach represents

“a new opportunity to show how environmentally protective and sustainable we can be,” and would affect “every aspect” of EPA’s work.

Using this approach, the EPA can become even more pre-emptive“anticipatory” in how it instructs our businesses in how they must conduct themselves.  Indeed, the study itself urges the EPA to change its already activist culture even further:

“create a new culture among all EPA employees,” and hire an array of new experts in order to bring the sustainability focus to every corner of the agency and its operations. Changes will move faster “as EPA’s intentions and goals in sustainability become clear to employees[.]”

So what’s the big deal here?  It’s in that “sustainability” bit that is the point of the study.  The Green Book says that sustainability is

gaining increasing recognition as a useful framework for addressing otherwise intractable problems. The framework can be applied at any scale of governance, in nearly any situation, and anywhere in the world.

“[A]ny scale of governance, in nearly any situation….”  This is as naked as it gets: the Green Book advises the EPA that, under the guise of sustainability, it can exercise even more control—through sustainability regulations—over our businesses.

By the way, sustainability itself remains carefully undefined.  The Green Book takes for a working definition the one carried in President Obama’s 2009 Executive Order 13514, “Federal Leadership in Environmental, Energy and Economic Performance:”

to create and maintain conditions, under which humans and nature can exist in productive harmony, that permit fulfilling the social, economic, and other requirements of present and future generations.

This is a carefully generic definition that can be given any meaning at all, and so bent to any purpose at all.

We already see one goal of this Green Book, and of the EPA that bought it, as the EPA takes its advice in this “advance” in capability.

Environmental impact assessment tends to focus primarily on the projected environmental effects of a particular action and alternatives to that action[.]

But

[Sustainability impact assessment examines] the probable effects of a particular project or proposal on the social, environmental, and economic pillars of sustainability…[.]  The culture change being proposed here will require EPA to conduct an expanding number of assessments.

Plainly, all that’s being sustained here is Federal power.

Joblessness

Here are some data on Americans and our quests for work.

Financial Times‘ Ed Luce offers some statistics (the article may be behind a paywall):

In December 2007, the US economy employed 146 million people. Four years later, it languishes at 140 million.  At the current rate of job creation it will take another two and a half years to regain 2007 levels—taking the replacement cycle to as much as 78 months….  Even that understates the problem, since in that time the population will have risen by more than 10 million.

and

At the start of the recession, the employment-to-population rate was 62.7 per cent. The rate is now 58.5 per cent….  According to government statistics, if the same number of people were seeking work today as in 2007, the jobless rate would be 11 per cent.

Notice that last.  Here are some back of the envelopment calculations: in 2007, according to the US Census, the working-age population of the US (which I’ve unilaterally defined as men and women between 20 and 64 years old) was a bit shy of 181 million Americans.  Thus, that 4% drop in the employment-to-population rate represents a loss of some 7.25 million Americans from the labor force—7.25 million who have, with the terrible economy we’ve had for the last four years, given up looking for work.  If they still were looking, that’s what would run the “unemployment rate” up to 11 %.

In the last three years, the “official” unemployment rate has run from 7% to as high as 10%, stabilized at around 9% for most of these three years, and last month fell to 8.6%, a number that disguises the foregoing.  In all, some 2 million more Americans—that are still looking—are out of work today than at the start of 2009.

There’s one more interesting statistic.  This one does a better job of measuring the quality of the jobs available: the unemployed and underemployed combined rate is pushing 20 per cent.  This isn’t a number that says an American isn’t getting paid what he wants, or thinks he deserves—none of us are that—this is a number that says Americans don’t have as much work per day as we want—it includes all less than full time workers who want to be full time.

And there’s this from the Democratic National Committee Chairwoman and Congresswoman (D, FL), Debbie Wasserman Schulz in an exchange with Gretchen Carlson:

Carlson: Unemployment has gone up precipitously since [Obama] took office.

Wasserman Schulz: That is simply not true.

Among Luce, Carlson, and Wasserman Schulz, someone has lost track of the situation.