The latest whiner pundit to weigh in on President Donald’s tax reform principles, laid out in a concise one-pager.  And yet these pundits pretend to confusion over it.

President Donald Trump’s plan is silent so far on crucial details Americans need to calculate their tax bills, including the personal exemption and the size of the tax brackets.

And

The president’s latest plan for middle-income households…has left tax experts puzzled. That is because his one-page tax outline released in April is silent on essential details, including how the tax code will treat the personal exemption that reduces taxable income depending on family size. It sets tax brackets of 10%, 25%, and 35% without establishing the income levels that divide them.

And

[T]he plan says nothing about how personal exemptions or head-of-household filing status would be treated….

Geez.  It’s an outline; it’s not intended to be finely detailed. The President has proposed the principles and broad parameters of the taxation portion of his budget, and that’s both entirely appropriate and sufficient.  How personal exemptions, head-of-household filing status, etc, might be treated easily follows from those principles.

The fleshing out—the actual legislation, including bracket income boundaries and those other matters—is Congress’ responsibility, even though it would in an ideal world work with the President in the development of that legislation.  Oh, wait:

The White House is now working with the House and Senate on a unified GOP tax plan, including on the core issue of how much of a household’s income should go untaxed.

It seems more likely that these guys are just bellyaching because nobody is consulting their august selves.

Greg Ip, in his Monday Wall Street Journal piece on the matter of corporate tax cuts, says that

most of the US’ largest trading partners cut their corporate rates. But their experience offers a reality check. There is little compelling evidence any enjoyed substantially faster growth as a result, and certainly not on the scale of Mr Trump’s ambitions….

He offered some examples:

Britain reduced its corporate rate from 30% in 2007 to 19% now. A 2013 study by the British Treasury predicted the tax cuts since 2010 would eventually boost the level of gross domestic product by 0.6%. That is certainly worth having, but spread out over, say, six years, would boost the growth rate by a barely noticeable 0.1 percentage point.

British investment as a share of GDP is actually lower than before 2007….

But the EU, which included a full-throated Great Britain at the time, suffered even more deeply from the Panic of 2008 than the US, and its “recovery” has been even poorer than ours, albeit Great Britain was one of the nominal leaders of that sham recovery.  Not many of the EU member nations have recovered to their pre-Panic levels.

And

Canada cut its corporate rate from 28% in 2000 to 21% in 2004. While growth from 2000 to 2004 was about half a percentage point faster than the prior decade, it has since slowed.

A couple of other things contaminate Ip’s thesis that “[t]here is little compelling evidence” that corporate tax rates actually stimulate economic growth. In Great Britain’s and Canada’s cases in particular, and in the EU generally, the presence of VAT taxes (20% for Great Britain, 13% for Canada, similarly high rates for the continental nations of the EU) vastly dilute the impact of a mere corporate income tax cut.

Also, the existence of régimes of heavy regulation in Great Britain, Canada, and in continental EU add costs that heavily dampen the favorable impact of corporate tax cuts.

The small bumps in economic growth that followed those corporate tax cuts came despite those road blocks.